Organizing in conditions of illegality and violent repression, an inter-racial Communist celebration of May Day occurs in the woods near Logtown outside of Birmingham, Alabama in 1931. A report on preparations, the events, and lessons from a local activist.

‘May Day in Illegality’ by G. H. from the Daily Worker. Vol. 8 No. 122. May 21, 1931.

MAY DAY in Birmingham has a special significance for the Party–first of all because it held under conditions of complete illegality, which as a new experience is worth much to the Party in other sections–particularly for the future. Secondly that here in the heart of the Jim Crow-lynch law state of Alabama, where the nine young Negro workers are sentenced to die in Scottsboro–white and Negro toilers gathered in solidarity, in spite of all the oppression and persecution, to demonstrate their working class solidarity, to pledge to carry on the fight for better conditions, and to free the victims of the bosses’ lynch law at Scottsboro together with the revolutionary millions throughout the world.

Preparations.

The preparations were-issuing of 2 general agitational leaflets throughout the city as well as the “Southern Worker” and other literature, and individual agitation. The spot chosen was a white and a Negro settlement on the outskirts of Birmingham, in the woods. These both settlements in particular, were well covered with our literature by the Party units and contacts in each one as well as plenty of individual agitation.

In each unit discussions were held, throughout Birmingham, on the significance of May Day and our tasks. All of the units were instructed to be ready to mobilize other workers to come to the demonstration. A few days before the demonstration the units were notified of the time and place, given instructions on how to get there, and every member told to come and to bring their fellow workers, if possible to try to get cars or trucks to come in. Then about two hours before the meeting the immediate vicinity of the meeting place was flooded with half page notices of the time and place of the meeting, which was at 6:30 p.m., giving those who worked a chance to come too. These arrangements left little possibility of the police being notified in time to come and break it up. Comrades were assigned to handle literature, etc.

The meeting started on time–about 100 present, 50 white, 50 Negroes–including 20 youth, a few white women, a few Negro women and some children. There was but one disturbance from a drunk, who was promptly rushed off by the workers present.

Expose Bosses’ Lies.

The workers, white and Negro, listened very attentively as the speaker explained the meaning of May Day as a revolutionary working class day of solidarity. Especially was there quiet as the bosses’ tactics of dividing the workers into white and black–of prejudicing the whites and terrorizing the Negro–and that the boss class was the enemy of all toilers, white and black.

This was proven by a picture of the local situation, the unemployment, misery and starvation-the bosses’ militarism and preparations for war in which white and colored would be both sent to defend the bosses’ profit system. Especially impressed were the young workers. The exposure of the bosses’ lying propaganda about the Reds forcing whites to marry Negroes, about us giving every new member a rifle, and other such lies–and particularly the exposing in all its brutal bloodiness of the legal lynch law frame-up of the 9 boys at Scottsboro as a blow to all workers–was well received by those present.

Send Protest Telegram.

Negro and white unanimously endorsed a protest telegram to be sent to the governor. The bosses’ lie in this as in other lynchings about “protecting white womanhood” was effectively exposed by the illustration of white women slaving and killing themselves in the local cotton mills and the women and children starving to death in the city and on the farm, in the midst of plenty.

The Shortcomings.

The shortcomings were that few shop leaflets were issued, that every party and league member did not come and bring others, and of course that, owing to the weakness of the party leadership, the units were not sufficiently keyed up and mobilized day to day and checked up on about their preparations–but as is still a bad feature of our party work–preparations were rushed the last few days.

It revealed sharply our good agitational work, but our basic weakness, ORGANIZATION, in not having all of the Communist Party and Young Communist League members present even though it is true that most are only members a few months which means that they did not understand its importance and significance; secondly, sufficient preparations were not made for transportation to the demonstration.

Party Program Proven Correct.

Symbolic of the demonstration and the correctness of the party program was the following: After the meeting a white worker of about 40 rushed up to the speaker, shook his hand, and said: “Son, when I came here I was hell set against you, but now I’m 100 per cent with you. I couldn’t get the ‘n***r’ proposition through my head, but I understand it now.” He used another peculiar expression on this.

This example of the awakening of the white workers to the necessity for organizing, side by side with the Negro toilers, arises out of the worsening conditions of the workers and the correctness of the party program in dealing with these problems.

The speaker was supposed to leave at once, but he was surrounded by an eager crowd of about 25, mostly whites, who listened and asked questions for about 20 minutes before he could break away and beat it before the cops came. This was a serious mistake and unnecessary risk–the speaker should have in a few words told the workers about the foolishness of risking an unnecessary arrest and that he would be around to see them all later and that our party comrades would get in touch with them and then beat it out.

As a result of the meeting, five whites joined the Communist Party, two whites and two Negroes joined the Young Communist League. The meeting had a very enthusing and inspiring effect on the party and league membership–as the coming together of white and Negro, secretly though small–in a common meeting showed them that with work we can get results, and the comrades have asked that in the future more neighborhood demonstrations be held.

Some Lessons.

Some lessons to be drawn are:

1. Widespread agitation is necessary as preparatory groundwork. 2. Well organized individual agitation. 3. Well-functioning and check up on organization of campaign, particularly in the units. Well arranged transportation and direction. 5. Preparations for contingencies (if cops are there at start, speaker and comrades do not stop but keep going–if cops come when speaker is speaking–to try to rally workers to resist), comrades instructed beforehand, etc. 6. The holding of more well-organized, snappy (though illegal) neighborhood demonstrations. 7. The winning over of the white workers for our program through a clear, concise explanation of the party program. 8. For other sections to look their ground over and NOW to review their own situation and plans for organization of such demonstrations if driven to illegality. 9. The extreme importance of shop contributions, papers, leaflets and importance of getting workers NOW, even on a small scale, to come to demonstrations directly from the shops.

Through a careful analysis of our mistakes and shortcomings, in the party units, we have been able to see how, in the next demonstration we will be better able to mobilize wider masses for direct participation in our demonstrations and growing activities.

The Daily Worker began in 1924 and was published in New York City by the Communist Party US and its predecessor organizations. Among the most long-lasting and important left publications in US history, it had a circulation of 35,000 at its peak. The Daily Worker came from The Ohio Socialist, published by the Left Wing-dominated Socialist Party of Ohio in Cleveland from 1917 to November 1919, when it became became The Toiler, paper of the Communist Labor Party. In December 1921 the above-ground Workers Party of America merged the Toiler with the paper Workers Council to found The Worker, which became The Daily Worker beginning January 13, 1924.

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/dailyworker/1931/v08-n122-NY-may-21-1931-DW-LOC.pdf