The third post in the series transcribing Andreas Nin’s Struggle of the Trade Unions Against Fascism contains chapter III on France and IV on Austria and Hungary. Links to the complete text of the pamphlet here.

‘Origins of Fascism in France, Austria, and Hungary’ by Andreas Nin from Struggle of the Trade Unions Against Fascism, Parts Three and Four. Labor Herald Library No. 8. Published by the Trade Union Educational League, Chicago. October, 1923.

III. ROOTS OF FASCISM IN FRANCE

IN France the political and economic conditions necessary for the appearance of a real Fascist movement do not exist. But the bourgeoisie is preparing the framework. In 1919, alarmed by the progress of the revolutionary movement, Civic Unions were established in several cities. The first to be formed were at Lyons, Paris, Dijon, and Bordeaux. The immediate object of these Civic Unions is that of replacing workers on strike. In 1920, the Paris Civic Union opened recruiting offices. Its members were active during the strikes of last May. Their intervention was one of the causes for the defeat of the working class.

The first manifesto of the French National Confederation of Civic Unions was published April 3, 1920. There are significant phrases in it as, for example:

Strikes are becoming more frequent. In greater and greater number they have an origin and aim exclusively political. If these frequent strikes already constitute a public danger, then general strikes could paralyse the life of the nation and plunge it into the most dire catastrophe.

Without waiting for the general strike to open wide the gates of revolution, so that it be necessary to resort to force in order to combat it, it is the duty of everyone to avert this peril. Let all good citizens organize and prepare to resist within the limit of their rights and the law.

The object of the Civic Union is to prepare for voluntary mobilization, in order to hinder attempts at the general strike and the stoppage of public services. Let all good citizens who wish to stop the onward march of anarchy afford us their assistance. Let all societies and groups, faithful to the ideal of order and liberty, give us their collective support, and conduct among their members that voluntary recruiting which is necessary to the success of our common task. When the agitators who are, consciously or not, the agents of foreign powers, see all our energies arrayed against them they will be reduced to impotence.

The constituent congress of the National Confederation of Civic Unions took place in July, 1920. Article 3, of its constitution, informs us sufficiently as to the character of these organizations:

The national Confederation of Civic Unions organizes its members outside of all class lines, all political or religious dis-tinctions, in order to aid the functioning of those public services which are indispensable to the country, in case of the desertion of their employes ; to constitute auxiliary services capable of replacing all or part of the regular personnel; to prepare efficient methods for obtaining this objective; and, finally, to aid in the maintenance of order, in co-operation with the public forces for the preservation of peace.

At the head of the Confederation is a committee of 18 members, of whom the president is General Balfourier. This committee has extended powers. It is elected for three years, and one-third only is renewed at each election. A permanent committee of 12 members prepares the work for the committee and is charged with “establishing, in all that concerns the confederation, contact with the forces of order, the public services, and the press.” A General Secretary and a complete technical apparatus looks after the work. An extensive propaganda is carried on by means of pamphlets and leaflets. An informational Bulletin is also published.

The most important services are that of registration of member- ship and of public services. The first is concerned with the registration of volunteers, the preparation for their mobilisation, etc. The second records the various grades and functions in the public services and factories and, in times of strikes, organizes recruiting bureaus and establishes the necessary contact. The mobilization of the Civic Unions is ordered by the Minister of Public Works.

So far, in these organizations, we find only the traditional characteristics of all strike-breaking bodies. But they have a far wider conception of their future. One of their propagandists, M. St. Marcel, a short time ago said :

In general the Civic Unions are organized in order to proceed in harmony with the Government, but in the event — most improbable in France — that the Government should fall into the .hands of anti-social parties, the Unions would know how to modify their organizations immediately, in order to remain a guardian of the public interests and to ignore, as in Denmark, in 1920, the approval or disapproval of ministers who are enemies of public order and the constitution.

The Civic Unions have, therefore, been undertaken with definitely Fascist motives. The menace of a coup d’etat is sufficiently clear. Our comrade, Herclet, states that in all the principal French cities “fighting bands” are being formed.

In order to determine the real character of the Civic Guards, let us take a few paragraphs from the instructions followed by the Rouen section:

The object of the Civic Guards is to aid in the maintenance of order and defense in co-operation with the army and constabulary. In times of peace, the army is nowadays not numerous enough that it can alone assure the preservation of public order, the respect for individual liberty, and protect the railway stations, high- ways, bridges, works of art, etc., against criminal attacks. It is therefore urgent and essential to organize voluntary corps, that is, companies of Civic Guards.

Further on it states that special voluntary corps are organized with the approval, and under the control, of the prefects of police. Usually the unit is composed of one battalion commandant, two captains, four lieutenants and 12 lower officers. The number of men is indefinite. In case of strikes in the public services, or serious disorders, the prefect was to request the services of the Civic Guard. On the order of the prefect, each civic guardsman receives an order telling him of the mustering-point, which is usually the nearest barracks. After their arrival at the barracks the guardsmen are equipped, clothed, and armed, exactly like soldiers. The officers and men receive a daily allowance of 20 francs for the first call, and 15 francs for the second.

The Civic Guards, requisitioned by the public authorities in the same way as the army, march not according to regular formation and unit; they maintain their autonomy in the execution of the duties confided to them by the superior authorities, and must obey only their own chiefs. They belong neither to the police nor to the constabulary.

At the end of these instructions, in an appeal “To Old Soldiers and Volunteers”’ is the following:

Our citizens have not only learned not to fear blows, but are ready to descend into the street, if needs must be, to punish disturbers. It is for this reason that we appeal to the patriotism of the veterans of our district, requesting them to register immediately with the Civic Guards of Rouen. If each realizes his duty, we shall easily be able to establish a voluntary corps, composed of dependable men, ready to become the defenders of order, with the moderation, cool-headedness, and courage, of which they have already given such striking examples.

IV. FASCISM IN AUSTRIA AND HUNGARY

Since the downfall of the Austrian Empire, there have always been military groups m Austria which aimed at the restoration of the monarchy. Since 1922, under the influence of Italian Fascism, these isolated groups commenced to manifest a more definite character and to co-ordinate; their work. This budding- Fascism depends mainly upon state functionaries, ex-officers, students, the unemployed, unorganized workers, and, naturally, hired mercenaries.

The Fascist press is carrying on a campaign of the utmost violence against the revolutionary elements. Sanguinary conflicts have already taken place between Fascisti and workers. When the authorities were called to intervene, they have always shown their partiality for the Fascisti.

The principal Fascist organizations in Austria £re as follows 1. The Tyrolean organization; 2. “The Defenders of the Fatherland” in Solsberg; 3. “The Union fort Defense,” Upper Austria; 4. The Styrlan organization, which is one of the most powerful and possesses all sorts of arms, including artillery; 5. “The Union for Defense of the Fatherland,” at Corinthia; and 6. “The Vanguard” a Vienna. All these organizations are substantially supported by the bourgeoisie and the Government. They are in relationship with the Hungarian Fascist organization.

Fascist trade unionism proper has not yet made its appearance in Austria. There does exist, however, a “Union for the protection of order and economic interests,” which constitutes a suitable foundation for such unions. In the beginning this organization, like the French Civic Union, was merely a strike-breaking organization. But every day it advances further on the offensive. It is constantly carrying on provocation and espionage within the working-class organizations. In order to accomplish this, the union divides workers into three groups, “those worthy of confidence; those unworthy of confidence; and the – dangerous elements.” Naturally, the union supports only those workers who “are worthy of confidence,” that is, those who are ready to betray their class brothers.

Against the other workers, not alone the “dangerous” but even the indifferent, the union meditates implacable persecution. There has not yet been a real Fascist union established; but this organization carries on active recruiting work within the factories. In this work it makes use of certain devoted elements, disguised as workers, just as does German Fascism.

The Austrian proletariat has energetically fought against these attempts to introduce Fascism. The “Union for Republican Defense,” composed of well-armed groups of workers, has been established. In spite of the sabotage of the Social Democrats, this organization now constitutes the best guarantee for the Austrian working class of its safety. One must not forget that the Austrian proletariat, with its 1,500,000 organized workers, is in a position to offer serious resistance to Fascism.

The “Awakening Hungarians”

The Fascist movement in Hungary is one of the oldest of its kind. Here we find the essential characteristics of all such movements. It is the petty bourgeoisie of town and country, state employes and officers, who were used by the Hungarian bourgeoisie, after the overthrow of the Hungarian Soviets, to crush the proletariat. The principal organization is the “Awakening Hungarians,” of whom the principal leaders are the anti-Semite and Nationalist-Christians, Gembesch, Eckards, and Wolf. They are in close and continual touch with the Austrian Fascisti.

There are no Fascist trade unions in Hungary, but one would say that Betlen’s Government is doing its best to prepare the road for them. It recently issued a law on labor conflicts and trade unions, which renders the existence of class organizations absolutely impossible. We read in this law, for example, the following: “Every individual has the right of accepting or declining any kind of work within the limits of existing laws and obligations assumed by him.” The expression, “within the limits of the existing laws” surely says enough. This is no question of the liberty of labor, but coercion. This same law attacks unionism, thus favoring the exploitation of the working class. The placing of workers in employment is given to the Government Labor Exchanges, instead of to the unions, as has been the case until now.

Trade union constitutions, under the new law, must be approved by the Ministry- of the Interior. “In the interests of public order,” the minister may forbid unions from commencing to function before this approval be granted. No one under t8 years of age is allowed to join a union. Thus they endeavor to protect the working class youth from revolutionary infection. The unions are forbidden to receive any monies except those in the form of regular dues. Any trade union body may be dissolved if the authorities consider that it is not complying with any portion of this law. They go even farther; every time a. trade union committee, according to the opinion of the police, is not fulfilling the provisions of this law, a representative of the Government may be delegated to attend their meetings. Members under 21 years of age are not per- mitted to vote. Any member of a union may demand of the Ministry of the Interior, the cancellation of any resolution taken by a union meeting.

A union is responsible for any damage occurring to a third party in periods of conflict. In virtue of this provision, after every strike a union may be sentenced to pay heavy damages. Unions must render an account of their activities to the authorities and, on demand, must furnish them with a list of their members.

The police have the right of entering union headquarters at any time, to be present at committee meetings, to supervise the account, documents and correspondence. The Minister of the Interior may start an action against any union, if he so thinks fit. and even may designate a temporary Executive Committee to take the place of the regular one. Besides this, the minister has the right of dissolving any union, at any time he may think it necessary.

It is obvious that no class organization could comply with the various conditions of this law. Thus it is favorable to the formation of Fascist unions which, naturally, will willingly submit to these various measures. The law is directed toward the end of destroying the genuine trade unions and establishing Fascist unions in their stead.

The Labor Herald was the monthly publication of the Trade Union Educational League (TUEL), in immensely important link between the IWW of the 1910s and the CIO of the 1930s. It was begun by veteran labor organizer and Communist leader William Z. Foster in 1920 as an attempt to unite militants within various unions while continuing the industrial unionism tradition of the IWW, though it was opposed to “dual unionism” and favored the formation of a Labor Party. Although it would become financially supported by the Communist International and Communist Party of America, it remained autonomous, was a network and not a membership organization, and included many radicals outside the Communist Party. In 1924 Labor Herald was folded into Workers Monthly, an explicitly Party organ and in 1927 ‘Labor Unity’ became the organ of a now CP dominated TUEL. In 1929 and the turn towards Red Unions in the Third Period, TUEL was wound up and replaced by the Trade Union Unity League, a section of the Red International of Labor Unions (Profitern) and continued to publish Labor Unity until 1935. Labor Herald remains an important labor-orientated journal by revolutionaries in US left history and would be referenced by activists, along with TUEL, along after it’s heyday.

Link to PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/tuel/08-Struggle%20of%20TU%20vs%20Fascism.pdf