Revolutionary Marxism in the U.S. long predates the Bolshevik revolution and was best represented in the years before World War One by the magazine International Socialist Review. As Eugene Debs’ historic 1912 presidential run was underway, Charles H. Kerr and the comrades at ISR lay out their revolutionary editorial line and vision for the Socialist Party, the Review, and the U.S. class struggle.

‘What the Review Stands For’ by Charles H. Kerr from The International Socialist Review. Vol. 13 No. 3. September, 1912.

NEVER in all the history of the world was the outlook for the disinherited workers so bright as in this year 1912. That is because there were never signs of so widespread, so intelligent and so determined a revolt as can be plainly seen today. Here in the United States the Socialist Party stands in the forefront of that revolt. We of THE REVIEW, working within and through the Socialist Party, have a definite message which we try to voice from month to month. Usually we connect what we have to say with the passing events of the month, and only those who read our pages continuously understand our position as a whole. This month’s issue will reach many new readers. For their benefit, and especially for those who may have been misled by the way in which our opponents have stated our position, we shall now try to make it clear.

1. Modern Slavery.

A vast majority of the American people today are slaves in everything but name. They work to the limit of their strength when they can find a master. For their labor they receive barely a living. By this labor they produce five times as much as comes back to them in wages. Four-fifths of their product is appropriated in various ways by the capitalist class. Part of it is constantly used to enlarge and improve the machinery of production which the capitalists own. As this machinery becomes more efficient, and as the daily product of each laborer becomes greater, an ever larger proportion of this product is taken by the capitalist, and the relative position of the laborer grows worse and worse.

2. Revolutionists and Tories.

This state of things is very much to the advantage of the capitalists. Naturally it seems right to them. They and all whom they can influence through churches, schools, newspapers and other means for shaping “public opinion” are defenders of this system of modern slavery. Every act which makes the system more stable and secure seems “good” and “moral” to the capitalists and their followers. Here in America until lately nearly every wage-worker expected to become a capitalist himself, and therefore accepted capitalist ideas without question. Now, however, class lines are being more closely drawn. The children of capitalists become capitalists, the children of wage-workers become wage-workers. And the wage-workers are developing a morality of their own, in which respect for property plays no part. The more intelligent wage-workers, among whom this new morality is taking shape, we call revolutionists; the capitalists and their allies, who are resisting necessary changes in the structure of society, may be called tories.

3. The Class Struggle.

The struggle between these social classes is the supreme fact of the age in which we live. Ever since the dawn of written history, the majority have toiled in poverty that a privileged few might live in luxury from their unpaid labor. Without this slavery, social progress might not have been possible. But, however, that may be, the productivity of labor has increased so wonderfully that comfort and even luxury for all is easily possible. The one obstacle to a happy life for all is the rule of the capitalist class. Therefore this class must be overthrown. As a class it must be destroyed. To abolish the capitalist class is the historic mission of the working class.

4. Socialist Tactics.

So far nearly every Socialist will agree with what has been said. We now come to the points on which there are sharp differences of opinion among Socialists.

We hold that the ultimate aim of the Socialist Party is or should be to educate and organize the working class for the complete overthrow of capitalism.

As one means to this end, we believe that the Socialist Party should whenever possible nominate candidates for office at every national, state and municipal election, and make every effort to increase the vote as well as the membership of the party.

We do not believe that the revolutionary principles of the party should ever be concealed or obscured for the purpose of winning the votes of people not in sympathy with our ultimate aim.

We believe that the vote of the party should be an accurate index of the number of convinced revolutionists, and that to this end every effort should be made to inform wage-workers and sympathizers as clearly as possible regarding the principles and the ultimate aims of the Socialist Party.

We favor the reforms demanded in the National Platform of the Socialist Party, since they would bring some incidental benefit to the working class. We hold, however, that most of these reforms will prove even more beneficial to the capitalist class, and we expect to see many of them enacted by one of the old parties or some new reform party. We, therefore, deprecate undue emphasis of these reforms in our propaganda, since the political and economic developments of the near future will probably make them out of date.

We call attention to the fact that the political structure of the United States is such as to make it almost impossible for our elected officials to accomplish much in office that will greatly assist the working class in its struggle against the capitalist class; nevertheless we favor electing as many officials as possible and using their power to the fullest extent that may prove practicable.

We see that the principal battlefields of the Social Revolution must be in the shops, mines, factories and fields, and we rejoice that the Socialist platform explicitly urges economic as well as political action.

“Direct Action,” as we understand it, is neither more nor less than economic action. We have never advocated an appeal to physical force, since the capitalists control the fighting machinery as well as the machinery of production. We hold, however, that the question of tactics in the economic struggle is one for the unions to decide and that the Socialist Party can only make itself ridiculous by attempting to meddle with it.

We hold that the logic of events is making the industrial form of organization absolutely necessary for laborers making a fight against the great capitalists for higher wages and better working conditions. The anti-Socialist craft unions are rapidly disappearing or becoming revolutionary, and we expect the reorganized revolutionary unions to become the greatest factor in destroying capitalism.

Meanwhile, we regard the Socialist Party with its propaganda and educational work, as the most important revolutionary force now in the field, and we urge every friend of THE REVIEW to work through it and help make it more completely representative of the working class.

The International Socialist Review (ISR) was published monthly in Chicago from 1900 until 1918 by Charles H. Kerr and critically loyal to the Socialist Party of America. It is one of the essential publications in U.S. left history. During the editorship of A.M. Simons it was largely theoretical and moderate. In 1908, Charles H. Kerr took over as editor with strong influence from Mary E Marcy. The magazine became the foremost proponent of the SP’s left wing growing to tens of thousands of subscribers. It remained revolutionary in outlook and anti-militarist during World War One. It liberally used photographs and images, with news, theory, arts and organizing in its pages. It articles, reports and essays are an invaluable record of the U.S. class struggle and the development of Marxism in the decades before the Soviet experience. It was closed down in government repression in 1918.

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/isr/v13n03-sep-1912-ISR-gog-ocr.pdf