‘History of Class Conscious Formation in Michigan’ by Melke Meyer from The People (S.L.P.). Vol. 9 No. 5. May 1, 1899.

Detroit in 1899.

A look at the how Detroit’s Socialist Labor Party developed out of disparate political strands during 1890s, a decade of stagnation in the city before its early 1900s industrial boom.

‘History of Class Conscious Formation in Michigan’ by Melke Meyer from The People (S.L.P.). Vol. 9 No. 5. May 1, 1899.

I shall here give a short history of the Socialist Labor party and the political labor class movement of Michigan.

The first Socialist Section in Michigan was organized in Detroit as early as 1874. In 1877, the Section entered the political arena as S.L.P., but the Socialists, who composed Section Detroit at that time, did not know anything about class interests, and their party was, therefore, swept away by individualistic interests.

In 1886, an attempt was made by the economic labor organization of Detroit to start an “Independent Labor Party.” Socialists participated; but this attempt, too, failed because the movers were ignorant of class interests.

Charles Erb.

In 1887, Section Detroit “took a stand against the Prohibition movement” and among others, Chas. Erb and Wm. Krieghoff, two of the old leaders of the S.L.P. of Detroit, went on a stump tour through the State to speak against “Prohibition” or rather “local option.” Henry Kummerfeldt, another old leader of the party, became President of an anti-Prohibition society called “Verein zur Wahrung der persönlichen Freiheit” (Society for the Safeguarding of Personal Freedom). That these men could be carried of by a simple beer and whiskey question, shows that the name “Socialist” was very loosely applied, when applied to these men. That no progress was made with that kind of Socialist agitation can not be wondered at.

In 1891 and 1892, the Nationalists and the Socialists jointly nominated a ticket under the name of “Citizens’ Independent Party.” Here, too, class lines were ignored.

It was not until the occurrences of 1893 and 1894, that the S.L.P. found bed-rock in Detroit.

When, in the early part of 1894, city employees- the laborers working for the Water Board of Detroit- went on strike, because the Water Board at- tempted to establish a piece-work system, and when these laborers found that they could not make their salt at the rate the Water Board wanted to pay, then they went on strike to retain their old pay and to protest against the new piece-work system. The Board immediately called upon C.P. Collins to protect the men who would be willing to scab it. The scene of action was just beyond the city limits at “Conners Creek,” and the city Police had no jurisdiction there.

When Sheriff Collins arrived, he did not wait until he was forced to protect scabs; but when the crowd started to jest him, he ordered his deputies to “fire,” and he himself is said to have emptied the rounds of two revolvers, one in each hand, into the crowd. The result was that several died of the wounds received, while many others were seriously hurt.

It was after this occurrence that something like class-consciousness began to creep upon certain individuals in the Labor Movement of Detroit. The hard times of ’93 helped along to ripen the idea that Labor must enter the political arena, Independent of the old parties. In 1894. in the fall, the Trades Council took the initiative and called a convention of all supposed labor organizations of Detroit. The convention was held in Germania Hall and the name “Independent Labor Party” was adopted. But before the convention was over, a dispute arose about “endorsements” between the fakirs and the honest elements of the convention. The majority favored “endorsements”- and Sheriff C.P. Collins, too, was endorsed. This broke the camel’s back: the minority bolted. The Populists too accepted the endorsement scheme; and, with this attempt, the different independent labor party fakirs dug the graves for their parties, but temporarily helped themselves into political positions.

Another convention was then called by the Central Labor Union in Finnette’s Hall, and all those societies that had bolted were invited to attend. Among the societies that sent delegates were the S.L.P., the C.L.U., the Cigarmakers’ Union, the East Side Turn Verein, etc., and the name “Strictly Independent Workingmen’s Party” was adopted. The platform, as adopted, was a nonsensical mixture of single tax and Socialism; class interests were entirely ignored, but in its address to the voters of Wayne County -the address preceded the platform- “the working people” were called upon “to sever all affiliation with these (the old parties) and create a movement of their own.” S. Goldwater, one of the cigarmakers’ delegates, dropped out again, started a Ward movement which he called the “Citizens’ Independent Party,” took the endorsement of the Democrats and was elected Alderman. After the S.I.W.P.’s convention, Ward Clubs were organized after the manner of the previous opportunistic and utopian attempts for political action. The East Side Turners especially were active in organizing Ward Clubs, and the 9th, the 11th and the 18th Ward Clubs were organized in their Hall.

Immediately after the election, the 11th and the 13th Ward Clubs adopted the name Socialist Labor Party, and instructed their delegates to the City Committee to work towards the change of the name of the “Strictly Independent Workingmen’s Party” into “Socialist Labor Party.” The delegates of the 9th, the 11th and the 18th Ward Clubs, together with one or two delegates from Section Detroit, S.L.P., of the East Side Turners, were the only ones left in the S.I.W.P.’s City Committee; to change the name was, therefore, no hard task.

Labor Day float on Randolph Street, Detroit. 1890s.

A few of the active Ward Club members had been members of the S.L.P during the S.I.W.P.’s campaign, the others joined the Section shortly after wards. In this way the class-conscious, active element found its way into the Section and succeeded in silencing the old pessimistic and utopian ideas of the older members.

At first the vote cast for the party was very small, but in a few years the vote of Michigan increased enormously, Sections had been organized in several cities, and the S.L.P. became the terror of all capitalist politicians, political schemers and labor fakirs. The failure of the 16 to 1 middle class movement unloaded upon the S.L.P. some of these utopians and schemers because sidetracking movements had become impossible on account of the aggressive, uncompromising attitude of the ruling element of Section Detroit toward such side-shows. The active, aggressive element ruled, at least, in the agitation of Section Detroit.

But by the combination of these aforesaid two reactionary elements they instituted a wholesale remission of dues, by the aid of which unconstitutional members were enabled to vote in the Section- thus the reactionary inclined elements were enabled to temporarily regain control of the agitation of Section Detroit. But, owing to the stupid, ignorant, aye, one might say crooked, stand taken by them in public questions as well as in party and Section affairs, they broke their own power within the short span of one year.

The S.L.P. stands now before a period where all rubbish will be cast off and where it will grow faster and sounder on account of its purity and its uncompromising stand against all the foes of the wage working class.

New York Labor News Company was the publishing house of the Socialist Labor Party and their paper The People. The People was the official paper of the Socialist Labor Party of America (SLP), established in New York City in 1891 as a weekly. The New York SLP, and The People, were dominated Daniel De Leon and his supporters, the dominant ideological leader of the SLP from the 1890s until the time of his death. The People became a daily in 1900. It’s first editor was the French socialist Lucien Sanial who was quickly replaced by De Leon who held the position until his death in 1914. Morris Hillquit and Henry Slobodin, future leaders of the Socialist Party of America were writers before their split from the SLP in 1899. For a while there were two SLPs and two Peoples, requiring a legal case to determine ownership. Eventual the anti-De Leonist produced what would become the New York Call and became the Social Democratic, later Socialist, Party. The De Leonist The People continued publishing until 2008.

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/the-people-slp/990501-thepeople-v09n05-maydayspecial.pdf

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