Guatemala has long suffered under empire’s lash. Here, a short survey of that history until 1929 and a look at workers’ resistance to the exploitation of the U.S. United Fruit Company which led to mass strikes in 1924.

‘Guatemala and Its Trade Union Movement’ by Gumes from The Daily Worker. Vol. 6 No. 185. October 10, 1929.

The social structure of Guatemala has changed very little in relation with that which it had when it was a colony of Spain. The trade union and mutualist organizations of half a century ago still exist. The workers and artisans were able to organize only for mutual aid. They fought for no more than the juridical recognition of certain rights and for these only by legal means and without attacking in the slightest degree the constituted social regime.

These organizations did not cease to exist even during the most despotic regimes the Guatemalan people had suffered. During the 22 years of the bloody tyranny of Estrada Cabrera, the organizations, “The Workers’ Future,” the “Artisans’ Center,” the “Mutualist Crusade” and others, did no more than practice mutual aid, and that deficiently, accommodating themselves to the dominant power.

ALWAYS A COLONY

Guatemala has never ceased being a colony. It was a colony of Spain for three centuries, and after having obtained its political independence it was conquered economically by British imperialism. The principal economic resources of the country were monopolized by British capitalists, and the “independent” government itself was mortgaged to British imperialism by means of big loans, that have never been paid even to this day, because the state income is enough only to pay the interest on these loans.

The pressure of British imperialism on the various governments which have ruled the destiny of Guatemala has culminated in the dismembering of the national territory.

President Cabrera presented to the British Crown one of the richest regions of the country, Belice, in exchange for a “sword of honor.” This zone has been colonized by Negro slaves from Jamaica and from Africa, for the exploitation of coal mines and timber, and it continues being actually an English colony.

Meanwhile, United States imperialism was conquering little by little other natural resources not yet exploited by the English and, in this manner, initiated its penetration in Guatemala, which has carried as its consequence the struggle between the two imperialisms. Yankee imperialism took account of the fact that it would not be able to triumph without having in its hands the political control, and therefore aided a series of coup d’etats led sometimes by the “Liberal” and sometimes by the “Conservative” national political parties.

U.S. IMPERIALISM ENTERS

The movement of 1871, known as the “Reform,” was no more than an audacious stroke of North American imperialism supporting the Conservative Party. After that date was constructed the inter-oceanic railway by the North American company, “The International Railway of Central America,” and the fight began for control of the banks and the exploitation of sugar, coffee and cotton.

This struggle could not be directed satisfactorily to North American imperialism by the various governments that followed that of the “Reformer,” Justino Rufino Barrios. It was necessary to establish an iron dictatorship–under no matter which party–that would favor the consolidation of American imperialism and the displacement of British imperialism.

Such a dictatorship was exercised by the government of Estrada Cabrera. During the 22 years which it lasted the “United Fruit Company”, and the “Cuyamel Company” obtained the concessions of the eastern banana zones.

Immediately after the world war all the resources that had been in the hands of German and British imperialisms passed automatically into the hands of North American imperialism. The government of Estrada Cabrera, following the orders of the White House, had declared war on Germany and the Central Powers. The governments which followed that of Cabrera have been, in fact, agents of North American imperialism, and Guatemala is actually a colony of the United States.

In 1923 the real trade union movement began with the formation of trade unions that proclaim the necessity of class struggle by means of direct action.

THE FIRST GREAT STRIKE

In 1924 ten thousand peones (unskilled agricultural workers little better than serfs) declared the first strike against the United Fruit Company in 54 of its plantations. They demanded a raise in wages, the eight-hour day and better living conditions. This strike, which lasted for 27 days, was crushed by force of arms, as a consequence of the lack of an organization that might have directed the movement. A great number of workers were killed or wounded, jailed and deported from the country.

The same year, 1924, five thousand railroad workers entered the struggle in defense of similar demands. The direct intervention of the United States minister determined the dissolution of the organization and, with it, the complete failure of the strike.

Imperialism went further. It demanded that the government decree a law prohibiting all strike movements and declaring leaders of such movements responsible for crimes of sedition and rebellion. Since then the Railway Workers’ Union has not been able to be reorganized.

In 1925 1500 bakers of the capital city and of other cities declared a strike for a wage raise, no night work and a betterment of working conditions. It was the first successful strike. Almost all points of the strikers were accepted. The victory was due to the fact that the baking industry is not in the hands of imperialism, and, secondly, to the existence of a strong and revolutionary trade union, “Sindicato de Panaderos,” which directed the movement. However, many workers, both of the said union and of other organizations that aided the strike, were imprisoned and tortured.

CLASS TRADE UNIONS DEVELOPING

Toward the end of the same year the organization of working men and women made rapid advances. Numerous trade unions were formed and began the struggle directly, by means of strikes and other mass movements. Among the most important of these struggles were those of the Coffee Sorters (women), the Soap Workers, Glass Workers and Garment Workers (women), for the putting into effect of the eight-hour law and for increased wages. These strikes took on a clearly political character, because the workers saw themselves compelled to fight against the government which, closely linked to the capitalists, adopted severe repressive measures against the proletariat.

In the last few years the organization of trade unions has attained great progress, as may be seen by the growing consolidation of the “Federacion Regional de Trabajadores de Guatemala,” the national centre of class struggle unionism in the country. Class consciousness is growing ever stronger in the Guatemalan proletariat.

The Daily Worker began in 1924 and was published in New York City by the Communist Party US and its predecessor organizations. Among the most long-lasting and important left publications in US history, it had a circulation of 35,000 at its peak. The Daily Worker came from The Ohio Socialist, published by the Left Wing-dominated Socialist Party of Ohio in Cleveland from 1917 to November 1919, when it became became The Toiler, paper of the Communist Labor Party. In December 1921 the above-ground Workers Party of America merged the Toiler with the paper Workers Council to found The Worker, which became The Daily Worker beginning January 13, 1924. National and City (New York and environs) editions exist.

PDF of original issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/dailyworker/1929/1929-ny/v06-n185-NY-oct-10-1929-DW-LOC.pdf