Joseph Berger summarizes Britain’s post-WWI imperial policy in Arabia, for which the world is still paying the price.
‘England’s Policy in Arabia’ by Joseph Berger from International Press Correspondence. Vol. 4 No. 23. April 3, 1924.
Since the victorious conclusion of the World War, the protection of the Asiatic shore of the Suez Canal and of the land route to India, has become one of the central problems for English Colonial policy. During the war, there took place the first act of the fight for power over the Arabian peninsula the most important tribes of which, thanks to the resentment of the peoples against the suppression exercised by the Turks for many centuries, and thanks to the seductive promises and bribes of the English, allied themselves with the Entente and thereby accelerated the defeat of the Turko-German Army. Hussein, the Sheriff of Mecca, one of the most rapacious and most cunning Arabian princes, by the grace of England became “King” of Hejaz, an in 1915, an agreement was concluded between him and the representative of England, according to which he was promised for his services the friendly support of England for the extension of the territory under his rule. The English fulfilled their promise, in as much as they recognized Hussein as legal King of Hejaz after the War, helped his son Feisal after his attempt, secretly supported by the English, to possess himself of Syria had failed to obtain the throne of Mesopotamia (Irak), and finally handed over to his second Abdallah, the Emirat of the territory east of the Jordan, which is a sterile tract of country, but of great importance as a connecting link between the adjoining territories. By the Balfour Declaration, Palestine became a British Mandate Territory; Syria in spite of the violent resistance of the population, came under French administration.
It is superfluous to remark that the kings appointed by England fulfilled every requirement except the satisfaction of the needs of their peoples. These princes, who for the rest reign absolutely, and have no contact whatever with the people (Parliament or the like), are making use of their power for suppressing the “families” hostile to them and for enriching their own relatives (Hussein and the Hashimite family) at the expense of the poor population. Moreover in some cases they are totally alien to the country over which they rule, and have no other interest for the population than that of squeezing out of it the highest possible amount of taxes which they use for increasing the pomp and splendour at their courts, whilst spending only a small portion in the administration of the country and the welfare of its inhabitants. For example: Emir Abdallah receives from the population of his country, numbering some 350,000, no less than 120,000 Pounds a year, out of which sum 90,000 Pounds are spent for the personal use of the Emir whilst the remaining 30,000 Pounds has to suffice for all other purposes. The discontent of the population has to be suppressed by mercenaries drawn from war-like Bedouin tribes and sections of the Royal Air Force (English). Villages and districts offering obstinate resistance the impoverishment of the Fellahs has, during the last six years, increased to an enormous extent in the Vassal countries ruled by Arabian princes, as well as in Palestine, which is directly administered by England, and has brought about mass emigration, partial insurrections etc. are compelled by means of bombs to yield the taxes demanded of them. The middle stratum, which forms the germ of capitalism which is seeking to arise, is held back in its development by means of vexatious trade and customs regulations. These Kings and Emirs have English advisers attached to their courts, who “look after English interests”. In practice it is they who decide the policy of the Arabian peninsula in accordance with the orders of the Colonial Office.
The latest phase of development of political affairs in the Arabian peninsula is marked by the attempt of King Hussein and his sons to secure a certain independence from the burdensome English tutelage. This is by no means a revolt against England, since without the support of the latter, the hated Hashimites would not be able to maintain their rule for a moment. It is simply a manoeuvre for obtaining further concessions from the English diplomats by means of intimidation. King Hussein is striving at the creation of an Arabian Federation, which shall not only embrace the territory at present ruled by him and his sons, but also the English-French mandatory territories inhabited by Arabians. England, who inspired the first part of the scheme (in order to centralize her own influence), looks on not without pleasure at the inner unrest in French Syria, but at the same time considers the renouncement of the Palestine Mandate a highly unjustified demand on the part of Hussein since it means an attack upon the decisive influence of England in Palestine provided by the Balfour Declaration. King Hussein cannot obtain the support of the Palestine population for his aspirations in Palestine, if he gives sanction to the legal situation created by England in that country, the recognition of which has been refused up to now by all sections of the Arabian population. Mainly with a view to removing this serious obstacle to the Arabian Federation, King Hussein some weeks ago paid a visit to his son at Amman, (capital of Trans-jordania), where he intended to get into contact with the feudal leaders of the existing Arabian nationalist parties, to bring to a conclusion the negotiations regarding the Arabian Federation, and finally, in the event of his succeeding in his plan, to get himself in his capacity as King of the Federation, proclaimed Khalif. It became evident, however, that the opposition of the population to English Imperialism in the mandatary countries, that is where the Arabs had the opportunity of first hand experience of it has already become so strong that the feudal leaders could not dare, without risking their predominant position in the national movement, to accept the proposals of King Hussein which aimed at a compromise with the English. There remained therefore only one other course: to attempt to induce England to concede the Arabian demands, a step which, since England knows only too well the import of her support for Hussein and his sons, was destined to miserable failure.
Hussein’s journey to Amman reveals in the most striking manner the network of bribery, instigation and intrigues into which the diplomats of imperialist England have been able to implicate Arabia in the course of the last six years, in order to render it subject to her. That fact that upon a “hint from above” a Zionist delegation proceeded to Amman, in order to come to an agreement with Hussein regarding the fate of Palestine, clearly proves once again that the Jewish bourgeoisie, together with its obedient lackeys of the Poale Zionist “Ahduth Haavoddh”, who would like to win the sympathies of the world for their ideal “Reconstruction schemes”, is in reality allied with English Imperialism and, as its instrument in the Arabian East, is ready at any time upon the command of the British to betray the ideals preached by them to the Jewish masses.
The Labour Government has declared that its policy in the Arabian countries will consciously follow that of the previous governments, Against the guard which is destined to prepare the overland route to India for Imperialism, and which consists of the Royal Air Force, bribed Bedouin Sheiks, Kings and Emirs, Zionist adventurers and feudal landowners against this, the native working people, the living body of which is destined to form the foundation for the highway of Imperialism, for the time being, cannot oppose anything else but isolated protestation and desperate episodal insurrectory movements. But with the sufferings of the broad masses of the people, there grows also their bitterness and their courage to fight. Developments in the near future may very well lead to widespread outbreaks.
Parallel with the extension of the English influence in Arabia, there increases the antagonism between English and French imperialism. The mutual instigatory work in the mandate district is complemented by feverish negotiations with the various Bedouin leaders, whose tribes for the great part possess no settled residence, are rapacious and bold, and always ready to fight on the side of the Power which in return for their help gives the largest supply of arms and gold. In opposition to the Arabian Federation, which, under the leadership of Hussein, is to become England’s bulwark in Arabia, the French have allied themselves with Jéhjé, the King of Yemen, around whom there are rallying all those Bedouin tribes which are discontented with Hussein’s hegemony. The relations between both Arabian groups are very strained, and if the news recently reported by an Egyptian paper as to the commencement of hostilities on the frontier of Hejaz has for the moment proved to be false, it is evident that the incitement carried on by both European powers must provoke a bloody fratricidal struggle in Arabia within the not distant future.
International Press Correspondence, widely known as”Inprecorr” was published by the Executive Committee of the Communist International (ECCI) regularly in German and English, occasionally in many other languages, beginning in 1921 and lasting in English until 1938. Inprecorr’s role was to supply translated articles to the English-speaking press of the International from the Comintern’s different sections, as well as news and statements from the ECCI. Many ‘Daily Worker’ and ‘Communist’ articles originated in Inprecorr, and it also published articles by American comrades for use in other countries. It was published at least weekly, and often thrice weekly.
PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/international/comintern/inprecor/1924/v04n23-apr-03-1924-inprecor.pdf
