A report of Connolly’s Cooper Union reception opening his 1902 tour of the United States for the Socialist Labor Party. The article also includes resolutions and selections of the speeches from De Leon and Connolly.

‘Unrivaled Reception! James Connolly, the Irish Agitator, Given Rousing Welcome’ from The Weekly People. Vol. 12 No. 25. September 20, 1902.

New York’s Proletariat Turns Out to Greet the Representative of the Irish Socialist Republican Party and Welcome Him to American Shores.

The opening of the doors of Cooper Union last night was like the breaking of a dam and the releasing of a torrent. At 7.30 o’clock all the approaches to the hall were jammed with the waiting crowd, and long after the head waters of the living stream had passed in the flow continued. There was little standing room left when at 8.15 John J. Kinneally as the representative of the National Executive Committee of the Socialist Labor Party, stepped to the front and opened the meeting. Kinneally announced Frank D. Lyon as chairman and Donald Ferguson as secretary. Lyon explained that the meeting was to serve the two-fold purpose, of a reception to James Connolly, the representative of the Irish Socialist Republican Party, who is the guest of the S.L.P., and for the inauguration of the State. campaign of the Socialist Labor Party. The chairman then introduced as the first speaker the Party’s candidate for governor, Daniel De Leon. When the standard bearer of the intrepid Party of the working class stepped forward the applause that greeted him was deafening and terrifying to those who would stand in the way of the Party’s. progress.

DE LEON’S SPEECH.

Comrade De Leon said in substance: “The Republican and Democratic par ties have not yet opened their campaigns in this State. They are sparring for position. Like pugilists in the show, the stand that each will take depends upon the stand of the other. This is natural. They both stand upon the same field, the field of capitalist society. Success with either is merely a matter of man- oeuvre. Not so with the Socialist Labor Party. It is in the field now and its campaign is in full blast. Indeed, its campaign never stops. This also is natural. Its attitude does not depend upon anybody else’s attitude. Republicans and Democrats stand for the order or disorder in existence. Socialism stands for the overthrow of the existing disorder. What is that system of disorder? Three illustrations, living coals from the furnace of capitalism will serve to illustrate the point.”

The speaker then summarized the recent strike or threatened strike of the “L” road locomotive engineers, their alleged victory, and the schedule just posted in the shops whereby, instead of 75 men on the waiting list they now have 92, with intenser labor for those at work. He summarized the strike of the anthracite coal miners, whose distress is being exploited by the soft coal mine barons to open a market for their goods. And he summarized the conduct of the Federal Secretary of the Treasury, who, in order to relieve the tight money market In Wall street, simply paid ahead of time about four million dollars of interest on U.S. bonds not due until next October, in other words gave higher interest to the bond holders.

The speaker then asked, “Can the Republican Party afford relief from such galling class rule? No. It is the logical exponent of the existing system. Can the Democratic Party? Less yet, it is sink of demagoguery, that would have its cake and eat it, that blows hot and cold, yet at all times immolates the workers on the altar of the capitalist moloch. Neither could the Prohibition party, whose horizon is bounded by the maxim that it is better to die sober than die drunk-the working class is not concerned in the question of how to die, but how to live: a live dog is better than a dead lion. Least of all could the irregular Democracy, called in this State the Social Democratic party, with long official record that brands it the decoy duck of the political corruptionists of the land. One party only stands with a record not only sound but clean, the Socialist Labor Party, that fiercely battles for the New Social Order where the last shackles of slavery, wage slavery, would be struck off the limbs of humanity.”

The speaker closed with an allusion to the comrade from Ireland, whose greetings from the Socialist Labor Party of Ireland the comrade had come to deliver, and to urge his fellow wage slaves in America to hasten the day when the “American Invasion” of Europe will be, not the invasion of ultra capitalism with heavier chains for the workers, but the invasion of that Freedom dreamed of by the Franklins of old, carried now as a live possibility in the folds of the Socialist Labor Party of America.

While De Leon was speaking the interest was intense, so intense at times that those moved to interrupt by applause were frowned down.

Chairman Lyon at this point said that it would be necessary to take the audience into the confidence of those having the meeting in charge. He said it costs money to conduct a meeting in Cooper Union, and as the Socialist Labor Party is an organization of the working class needless to say it is not overburdened with funds. He asked the audience to help out, stating that whatever was left over would be donated to the “Workers Republic,” the official organ of the Irish Socialists. The audience responded with the generous sum of $105.65.

RESOLUTIONS.

After taking of the collection Secretary Ferguson read the following resolutions of welcome to Connolly:

Whereas, James Connolly is visiting this country as the representative of the Irish Socialist Republican Party, for the purpose of enlisting the interest of Irish-Americans in the Socialist movement of Ireland; and

Whereas, James Connolly, in his mission, aims to destroy the influence of the Irish home rulers and bourgeois in Ireland, and their allies, who trade on the Irish vote in this country to the economic detriment of the Irish workingmen of this country; therefore be it Resolved, that we, the members of the Socialist Labor Party, here assembled to receive James Connolly, cordially welcome him to “our” shores and give his mission our emphatic endorsement; be it further

Resolved, that we call upon all the sections of the Socialist Labor Party throughout the country, to aid James Connolly in his work, to the end that Socialism may prevail both here and in Ireland, and that International Socialism, which knows no race, color or creed, may be triumphantly vindicated.”

RESOLUTIONS.

The following resolutions bearing upon the general situation here were also read:

Whereas, The land, the factories, the railroads and all the other means of production and distribution, without which the nation could not exist, constitute in modern society the private and practically exclusive property of the numerically insignificant capitalist class, who are thus enabled to dictate their terms to the propertyless working class and thus to compel three-quarters of our population to produce tremendous amounts of wealth for wages that represent barely 18 per cent. of their product and are not sufficient to enable a single person to live decently, to say nothing of supporting a family;

Whereas, Such an arrangement of society unavoidably condemns the entire working class to the miserable life of half-starved wage slaves dependent not only, in the exercise of their political rights, but for their very existence on the will’ and the whim of their employers and forces larger and even larger portions of the working class into the ranks of paupers, criminals, prostitutes, suicides, inmates of Insane asylums, etc.;

Whereas, Such destructive effect of modern society on the bulk of the population can only be eliminated by a complete change in the very arrangement of society, viz., by the substitution of a Socialist Co-operative Republic instead of the modern capitalist republic, by the abolition of private property in the means of production and distribution and their transformation into national property to be used collectively for the common benefit of all those who will contribute to society their share of useful service;

Whereas, The capitalist class, conscious and mindful only of the interests of its class naturally seeks to pro- long indefinitely the present arrangement of society–so beneficial for itself and so detrimental for the people–by holding in its hands and seeking to retain forever the powers of government through the agency of the Republican, Democratic and all other parties avowedly pledged to maintain the present arrangement of society;

Whereas, The capitalist class is assisted in its oppression and its endeavor to prolong its own existence by the representatives of old style trades unions–commonly known as labor fakirs–who paralyze the energy and the efforts of the membership of those unions to improve their conditions and who also keep that membership in ignorance as to the labor question and thus leave them a ready prey for the capitalist politicians;

Whereas, The, capitalist class is also assisted by that new variously-named party, known in this State as Social-Democratic party, who, working hand in hand with the labor-fakirs on the economic field, pretends in its political utterances to stand for Socialism and the working class, while their official record is full facts of the very opposite character-political log-rolling, voting for armory appropriations, etc.; and

Whereas, The twelve years’ record of the Socialist Labor Party proves it to be the only party in the political arena, that, despite onslaughts from all sides stands and fights intelligently, consistently, faithfully and uncompromisingly for the interests of the wage-working class and the establishment of the Socialist Republic; therefore, be it

Resolved, That we, the workingmen of New York, in mass meeting at Cooper Union assembled, hereby appeal to our fellow workers and to all fair-minded citizens to rally round the banner of the Socialist Labor Party, to join and help, build up its organization and its press;

Resolved That we appeal to them to persistently vote from year to year, the straight ticket of that party and to thus give encouragement to the working people battling for the emancipation of their class, to urge on the day when the public powers will be wrested from the hands of the capitalist class and to assist in bringing this class of legalized plunderers to sur- render and in securing for the working class Freedom in Socialism instead of wage-slavery in capitalism.

The resolutions were put to a vote and unanimously and enthusiastically adopted.

Chairman Lyon in introducing Connolly, said that the guest of the evening was unique in that, while many other Irish agitators had come to these shores representing Irish landlordism and capitalism, Connolly was the first who came as the representative of Irish Socialism. Connolly was received with cheers and applause, that increased in volume for several minutes, and ended in round upon round of cheers. The sturdy Irish proletarian was visibly affected by the enthusiastic reception accorded him. But he quickly took up his speech with vigor and calmness.

CONNOLLY’S SPEECH.

He said in part: “I feel under a great disadvantage in addressing such a large and enthusiastic body of workingmen as are gathered here this evening. Though accustomed to addressing audiences of the working class in England, Scotland and my own country, I never stood before such a crowd before. I must say, judging form your hearty and vigorous conduct, that for a Party that is sup- posed to be dead you appear to be as lively as an Irish wake in full blast.” (Laughter and applause.)

Connolly then referred to the difficulties of talking to an audience three thou- sand miles away from the subject of his remarks, and were it not for the fact that the audience was composed of workingmen and Socialists, who could appreciate and realize the universality of capitalism which links Ireland and America together, he would not have the hardihood to address them as he was doing. Resuming the speaker said, “As your chairman has well said, Irish agitators to this country are no infrequent phenomena, but I wish to state at the outset that as an Irish agitator the present one has certain distinctive characteristics that prevent him from being confounded with those of the past. The Irish agitators of the past who have come here said that thy represented the whole Irish people. I do not. I represent only the class to which I belong, and that is the working class. (Applause.)

“The Irish people, like the people of this and other capitalist countries, are divided into the master class and the working class; and I could not represent the entire Irish people on account of the antagonistic interests of these classes, no more than the wolf could represent the lamb or the fisherman the fish.” (Applause.)

Connolly then said he could only give time to the Irish situation in so far as it affected working class interests. “The Irish situation,” said he, “is twofold, political and economic. Politically the people of Ireland are under the rule of another country, and even if the Irish were to resolve to effect important economic changes they could not, because of the political domination of this other country.

“Despite the so-called benefits of the British constitution the two peoples are so different racially, economically and otherwise, that what is regarded as an aspiration in one country is abhorred in the other.”

To show the political disadvantages under which Ireland labors, Connolly cited the difference in treatment accorded public meetings in England and Ireland. In England, those in opposition to the government, though prohibited, are permitted to continue to the close, when the offenders are peacefully arrested and tried, being given the full benefits of the law. In Ireland public meetings are ruthlessly suppressed by armed police. There is no summons, no trial, no peaceful process of law. “They hang you first and try you afterwards.”

The first aim of the Irish Socialist Republican Party then was to secure independent government, for it was realized that before economic freedom was possible political freedom must be secured. “No person,” said Connolly, “can be economically free who is not politically free, and no person can be politically free who is not economically free.” (Applause, long continued.)

The second aim is economic independence, for while it was found that political dependence destroys the racial and other characteristics of the Irish, economic dependence destroys the people themselves. Connolly then cited the English capitalist statistician, Mulhal, that in Ireland the fifty years from 1837 to 1887, 1,225,000 men, women and children died of hunger, 3,000,000 were evicted, 4,000,000 were compelled to emigrate. During this half century there was exported food enough to feed and sustain more than double that number. This was done by the Irish landlord class. The responsibility for this awful picture must be placed on men who were nurtured and reared on the same soil as the starving people. The capitalist and landlord class do not suffer misery, so that the talk of Irish suffering that is pronounced general is not true. “The tale of fifty years ago,” said Connolly, “may be said to be old, but it still continues.”

Connolly then described scenes not equaled in olden times that were personally witnessed by him in 1897. Families who had not indulged in “the luxury” of potatoes for three months; they had to eat Indian meal. “In this country,” said Connolly, “you call the social question the bread and butter question; on the other side we refer to it as the potatoes and meal question.”

Connolly then turned to the consideration of economic conditions as they exist in the principal cities of Ireland. In Dublin the majority of the industrial classes, seven or eight families in a house. Most of these houses are owned by the shining lights of the Home Rule executive committee. The speaker dwelt upon the impossibility of raising families decently under such Inhuman conditions. The Irish work people get so little in wages that it is not possible for Irishmen to live as becomes intelligent human beings. The wages are less than £1, or $5 per week. Referring to the report of John week for 87 per cent. of the entire population of Ireland. Referring to the report of John D. Crimmins that the Irish are rolling in wealth and lolling in the lap of luxury, this same Crimmins, Connolly said, was the man whom John D. Redmond spoke 50 enthusiastically of on his return to Ire- land. “Birds of a feather flock together.” Speaking about the cures proposed by Irish politicians, Connolly took up first the peasant proprietary land scheme. He said that owing to international competition and the small farms of Ireland, without improved machinery, peasant proprietary which might have done some good one hundred years ago was now too late. He then showed the fallacy of technical education and “fair rent” and took up Home Rule. The Home Rulers claim that with home rule, larks would fall from the sky already roasted. They point to the Ireland of a hundred years ago under the Grattan parliament. Connolly claimed this would be of no benefit to the working class without economic independence. He referred to a Dublin paper of 1785 which he had unearthed. It contained an announcement of a charity ball to be held for the purpose of relieving 2000 starving persons in a Dublin parish. This was five years after the establishment of the Grattan parliament and shows what kind of freedom Irishmen will have under Home Rule. The speaker dwelt upon the importance of the Socialist demand for the social ownership of agricultural land and the means whereby to exploit it. Fighting foreign tyrants to put a native one in their place is no remedy and a waste of time. The speaker laid much stress upon this part of the economic programme of the Irish Socialists. Also the necessity of owning the factory and the implements. Speaking of the headway the Irish Socialists are making against religious prejudice, he stated that the Irish workmen were becoming slowly but surely united on the class conscious lines of Socialism.

During his speech Connolly again and again drew comparisons between Irish and American conditions, and urged the Irishmen present to work and vote for the Socialist Labor Party, on the ground that whatever was done here to promote Socialism and destroy capitalism, would also aid to advance Socialism and destroy capitalism at home.

Connolly closed with a fervent appeal along these lines, amid tumultuous applause. The audience cheering at the top of their voices, rising in their seats and throwing their hats in the air. The demonstration lasted several minutes and continued even when James Hunter the next speaker arose to address the meeting.

Connolly impressed his hearers with his sincerity of purpose, his eloquent and pathetic descriptions of Irish suffering, and his evident mastery of his subject, his knowledge of Irish history being reflected in his many utterances.

Hunter closed the meeting with one of his forcible and magnetic speeches, and the audience filled out cheering for the Socialist Labor Party and the Irish agitator.

New York Labor News Company was the publishing house of the Socialist Labor Party and their paper The People. The People was the official paper of the Socialist Labor Party of America (SLP), established in New York City in 1891 as a weekly. The New York SLP, and The People, were dominated Daniel De Leon and his supporters, the dominant ideological leader of the SLP from the 1890s until the time of his death. The People became a daily in 1900. It’s first editor was the French socialist Lucien Sanial who was quickly replaced by De Leon who held the position until his death in 1914. Morris Hillquit and Henry Slobodin, future leaders of the Socialist Party of America were writers before their split from the SLP in 1899. For a while there were two SLPs and two Peoples, requiring a legal case to determine ownership. Eventual the anti-De Leonist produced what would become the New York Call and became the Social Democratic, later Socialist, Party. The De Leonist The People continued publishing until 2008.

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/the-people-slp/020920-weeklypeople-v12n25.pdf