The outlawing of the Japanese Communist Party and the enactment of male suffrage came nearly simultaneously. The result was several legal or semi-legal parties, The Proletarian Parties, linked to burgeoning trade unions. Closes to the outlawed Communists were the Hyōgikai unions and the Labour-Farmer Party. It too was banned in 1928 in the wave of repression. The author, Kenmotsu Sadaichi, has a notable history. Emigrating to the West Coat, he was a founder of Rafu Nihonjin Rodo Kyokai (Los Angeles Japanese Workers’ Association) in 1925. He published Kaikyu Sen (Class War) later to become the newspaper Zaibei Rodo Shimbun (The Japanese Workers in America), organ of the Communist Party’s Japanese Workers’ Association. After several politically motivated arrests, Kenmotsu was deported in December 1931. Ending in Moscow as a students, he would become head the Japanese Seamen’s Club in Vladivostok. There the trail runs cold.

‘The Japanese Proletarian Party’ B. Vasiliev (Kenmotsu Sadaichi) from Communist International. Vol. 2 No. 17. October, 1925.  

ALL facts go to show that the Japanese Labour movement is entering upon a new stage. A campaign is proceeding on a national scale for the formation of a proletarian party, which was suggested by the Peasant Union (membership over 50,000). The leaders of the reformists immediately vetoed this proposal. Police conditions militate against the free development of this campaign; nevertheless the movement for the formation of a proletarian party is gradually gaining support among an increasing number of the lower workers’ and peasant organisations. The first response to the appeal of the initiators came only from the so-called Left trade unions. Lately, the reformist trade unions too are beginning to ignore the strictures of their leaders. A preliminary conference was held on August 10th, at which most of the biggest Labour organisations of Japan were represented: the Japanese Federation of Labour (reformist, membership 14,000); the Urachi Dockers’ Union (membership 2,000); the Tokio Tramway Workers’ Union (membership 14,000); the Sailors’ Union (membership 2,000); the Osaka Trade Union Federation (membership 1,500), and a number of others including the Pariah organisation and the society for the study of political sciences. According to the most recent information, 200,000 organised workers and peasants have joined the movement. The movement has taken such hold of the masses that the reformist leaders had perforce to take part in the building up of the proletarian party in order not to lose their members. Only a very insignificant number of organisations which are very much under the influence of government agents (there are still such Labour organisations in Japan) refused to participate in the preliminary conference, including such big unions as the Sailors’ Union (membership up to 33,000) and the union of naval arsenal workers (membership about 50,000).

The August Conference endorsed the following declaration: Hitherto, the politics of Japan were in the hands of the privileged classes-the bourgeoisie, hence their failure. In Japan all the existing political parties represent the bourgeoisie, but we intend now to organise a big party of proletarians throughout Japan in order to fight on the political arena, against the capitalist class. With this aim in view we consider it necessary to form first of all a preliminary Commission for the organisation of the proletarian party in conjunction with all the workers’ and peasant unions. We know that many obstacles block the way of the Japanese Proletarian Party. We hope to bring our great historical struggle to a victorious conclusion by forming a united front with all the proletarian organisations of the country and the proletarian population in general. This is in our opinion the historic mission of the Japanese proletariat at the present juncture.”

The second preliminary conference of the proletarian party has been convened for November 30th, and the Constituent Congress for December 1st, 1925. There is every reason to believe that in spite of all difficulties the proletarian party will be formed in Japan in the very near future. Everything speaks for it, especially the general situation in the country which is experiencing a serious economic crisis. As a result of industrial stagnation the number of unemployed has reached two and a half million. Unemployment insurance, or any other form of State provision for the unemployed, is non-existent. Last year’s bad harvest and speculation on the part of the rice merchants has considerably raised the cost of living. The reception which was recently given by the Japanese authorities to the Russian Trade Union Delegation is a graphic illustration of the obnoxiousness of the present political regime in Japan. The two existing big political parties which compete for the political leadership of the country–Seiyukai and Kenseikai–are completely bankrupt in the eyes of the masses. Not only Labour and progressive peasant elements are interested in the organisation of a new party aiming at the thorough democratisation of the State-the whole country demands this. Very characteristic are, in this respect, the articles devoted to the problem of the proletarian party which have appeared in the columns of the Japanese bourgeois newspapers. The newspaper “Asakhi” contains the following statement:

“Not one of them [of the existing political parties– B.V.] cared for the interests of the people. Therefore, it is but natural that the people gradually lost all interest in them. This gives a good opportunity to the proletarian party. Another advantage of the proletarian party is its moral qualities. The chief aim of the government should be care for the improvement of the people’s conditions of life. If the proletarian party concentrates its attention on this its usefulness will soon be widely recognised. Of course, the existing parties are also endeavouring to satisfy the desires of the people and they are elaborating a new policy. But these parties cannot change all of a sudden as they pretend. In this respect, the Kenseikai party cannot be an exception. Instead of seeking the support of the people, it adopted the old political method-manipulation of the House of Peers. All these facts go to show that the proletarian party has many advantages.”

It goes without saying that it will rest with the future proletarian party to make proper use of these advantages. And this will depend on the nature of the organisation of the proletarian party and on its programme of action.

Organisationally, the proletarian party is to be built up in accordance with its tasks and its programme. No exact and full information has as yet come to light about its programme. The August Conference did not adopt programme decisions. It is generally known that a struggle is being waged at present about this question. The Left and the reformist viewpoints are at grips with one another.

The “Japan Times,” another bourgeois newspaper, gives the following description of this struggle in a leading article on August 18th:

“The Labour world in Japan has two tendencies, one represented by the Japanese Federation of Labour and the other by the Canton Trade Union Council. The question is will these two tendencies find a common language when the time to draw up the programme for the Japanese proletarian party will have come? The former believes that capitalism in Japan, in contradistinction to the countries of America and Europe, has not gone through the golden age of Liberalism, but has jumped at once from feudalism to imperialism, having in its customs and spirit preserved many relics of feudalism. Therefore, the Japanese Federation of Labour assumes that the workers, at least at present, must don the toga of Liberalism in order to fight against the relics of feudalism, after which they will declare overt war against imperialism. The Council, on the other hand, assumes that since imperialism is a fact, it is essential to fight directly against it. It accuses the federation of selling the workers to capitalism. The Council wants to hold high the Red Banner and to begin immediately the economic revolution.” (Translated from the Russian.)

The official organ of the Left trade union council, “The Labour Paper,” has formulated its position in principle as follows:

“The proletariat cannot get settled properly in capitalist society. Listen for instance what Mr. Taka Hasi has to say about capitalism in Japan. According to his analysis of capitalist conditions in modern Japan the improvement of the workers’ conditions must go ahead with the extension of industry and the increase of production. But workers know very well that things cannot be done as proposed by Mr. Taka Hasi, that extension of industry is impossible without lowering the level of the workers’ conditions of life. As the present system of industry is based exclusively on the exploitation of labour, it is quite clear that with the present social system industry cannot exist without lowering the standard of living of the workers and creating an army of unemployed. Secondly, it is an erroneous view that the proletariat can obtain the realisation of its demands by partial reforms. As a matter of fact compromise reforms only strengthen the positions of the capitalists, for instance nationalisation of land with compensation to the landowners, or nationalisation of big industry with compensation to the industrialists. These reforms merely transform land or works and factories into a public loan-a public burden. Thirdly, it is wrong to promise the proletariat to do that which cannot be done, for instance ‘reduction of armaments,’ ‘world peace,’ etc. Reduction of armaments is impossible as long as imperialism exists.”

The Communist wing of the Commission for the formation of the proletarian party formulated the same platform as follows: “The aim of the proletarian party is struggle against imperialism and the menace of imperialist wars. The slogans are: Korea’s and other Colonies’ right to self- determination; hands off China!; those who till the land must own it; the 8-hour day; work or full maintenance for unemployed; workers’ control; universal suffrage for all citizens over the age of 18; democratic liberties; abrogation of laws directed against the Labour movement; abolition of the Upper Chamber and the Genro Council.” This document puts forward the following programme of the day: new parliamentary elections on the basis of the new franchise law, its central and fundamental slogan being “The Workers’ and Peasants’ Government.”

The Reformist Federation of Labour on its part formulated the following platform:

Summing up all this one can say that everything which rejects the fundamental principles of class struggle has no room in our programme. In order words, class struggle is the basis of the political party. The minimum programme must be the practical part of our programme. Our Party must be a mass party, and in order to become such a party it must concern itself with the everyday problems of the workers. in factories, works, on the farms, in schools, military courts, railways, etc.

“It is impossible to express the practical demands of the working class with abstract formula. Our method of expression may be for instance as follows: “Abolition of the House of Peers,” “Freedom for labour organisations,” “Unemployment insurance at the expense of employers, “Free hospital treatment for workers,” etc. To be a programme of action the party programme must at the same time be always directed towards its final aims. Otherwise we do not know where we are going.”

It is as yet impossible to foretell which of these two tendencies will triumph at the Constituent Congress. What can and must be done is to work out the stages through which the Japanese Labour Movement will have to pass in order to give maximum advantages to the Japanese proletariat and to the whole country.

The question as to the name of the party is not of particular importance. At present there is the proposal to retain the name “Proletarian Party,” and also another proposal to call it the workers’ and peasant, and even the people’s party. One might even agree to the adoption of the name People’s Party. The important thing is to lay down correct organisational and political lines: first, it is of great importance to attract the unions which refused to participate in the building up of the proletarian party, particularly the biggest among them-the sailors’ and arsenal workers’ union. If they do not enter the Party at once, friendly relations should be maintained with them.

At present the fundamental task of the Japanese proletariat is to establish a united front against the bourgeoisie and all the relics of feudalism. This task is particularly important in Japan because of the general lack of organisation and scattered condition of the Labour movement. One is bound to admit that the conditions for the establishment of the united front in Japan are very propitious. The general situation in the country is certainly fraught with revolutionary convulsions in the making. The political movement is inevitably coming out of the narrow limits in which the reformists wanted to keep the Japanese proletariat. A graphic illustration of this is the inclination of the reformist trade unions to establish a proletarian party in spite of their leaders. On the return of their reformist leader. Suzuki, from the Marseilles Congress of the Second International, the Japanese reformists took all the necessary steps to save the situation: the tactic of opposition to the proletarian party was replaced by the tactic of participation in the preliminary work. Moreover, in order to consolidate themselves organisationally in the future proletarian party they began to form local organisations of the proletarian party without waiting for the Constituent Congress. These actions of the reformists show that they are fully aware of the peril threatening them and that they will not give up their position without a stubborn struggle. But this struggle against the reformists will take the form of gaining influence over the masses which, in spite of their reformist leaders, are drawn towards revolution.

Under such conditions the united workers’ front, based on proletarian organisations, will be the most effective means for the revolutionary education and organisation of the masses./

This united front must have a platform which is clear and comprehensible for the masses. This platform cannot, of course, be only a workers’ platform, it must also include the most important peasant demands and give expression to the fundamental demands of the general democratic sections of the population.

After a perusal of the draft programmes of action of the Left and reformists, one is struck by the similarity of the most important points of the political and economic demands. The demand for a democratic regime brought forward by the reformists as the fundamental pre-requisite of the most important social reforms must be supported by all Japanese revolutionists. The question of the manner in which this demand for the democratisation of the State is to be realised–by peaceful or by violent revolutionary means–is a question for the forthcoming discussion towards the correct solution. The Japanese Communists must have faith in the revolutionary mood of the masses and whilst participating in the building up of the proletarian party, they must patiently, step by step and through their every day struggle make it clear to the masses of the Japanese proletariat and peasantry that the only path leading to their liberation is the path of Communism. There is every reason to believe that the Japanese Labour movement is entering upon a new stage which promises not a few disagreeable surprises for the reformists.

Through their work within the proletarian party, the Japanese Communists will no doubt soon be able to grapple with the task of developing their ranks into a mass Leninist Party with a strictly revolutionary programme and iron discipline. But in order to contemplate the question of such a party as a practical proposition, Japanese Communists must. be right in the thick of the construction of the proletarian party and skilfully apply the tactics of the united front.

The ECCI published the magazine ‘Communist International’ edited by Zinoviev and Karl Radek from 1919 until 1926 irregularly in German, French, Russian, and English. Restarting in 1927 until 1934. Unlike, Inprecorr, CI contained long-form articles by the leading figures of the International as well as proceedings, statements, and notices of the Comintern. No complete run of Communist International is available in English. Both were largely published outside of Soviet territory, with Communist International printed in London, to facilitate distribution and both were major contributors to the Communist press in the U.S. Communist International and Inprecorr are an invaluable English-language source on the history of the Communist International and its sections.

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/international/comintern/ci/new_series/v02-n17-1925-new-series-CI-grn-riaz.pdf