Nebraska-born, Connecticut-based Virgil Geddes (1897–1989) was a self-taught playwright, poet, journalist, critic, actor, theater director, and novelist. The very definition of Communist ‘fellow traveler’ in its best sense Geddes’ popular, proletarian work was an influential and exemplary element of Depression-era radical culture. His 1930s amateur theater company began in a Connecticut tobacco barn, the Brookfield Players, though changed, continues today as the Brookfield Theatre for the Arts.

‘Appeal to Playwrights’ by Virgil Geddes from New Theatre. Vol. 1 No. 1 No. 9. October, 1934.

THE young and aggressive blood which always sooner or later determines the future of an art is coming to the theatre today through the channels of revolutionary thought and action. Of this there can be no doubt. Where ten to fifteen years ago there were dozens of “art” theatres throughout the country and a little theatre movement, today there are hundreds of workers theatres not only taking their place but reaching out to audiences, themes, and regions of conscious conflicts which the little “art” theatre never touched.

Here the bulk of young, undeveloped talent in America today is getting its theatre education. And it is getting it vitally, imaginatively. It is more determinedly convinced than before that the theatre is a serious art. Only revolutionaries can think this way, for where consciousness of social issues and conflicts is keen there also the theatre assumes importance and life. The theatre is the natural and direct mouthpiece of highly active and acute social problems, and these issues are in turn the drama’s natural meat.

The little theatre movement in its time contributed values to dramatic art, to be sure, but where it was vague and indecisive as to its function the workers theatres have a clearer reason for being, a militant sense of where they are going.

Obviously, a huge opportunity is offered the young playwright today who can write on the vital issues of cur time. For where there are hundreds of workers theatres in America, there are only dozens of scripts on important issues which they can produce. But where the opportunity is great for the newcomers the responsibility is also large for those dramatists who have already had production in a professional way.

Last month an appeal was made in this magazine for scripts for the use of our workers theatres and a prize play contest announced. Whether or not the younger of our professional playwrights are interested in the prize, it is their duty, nevertheless, to assist these groups with plays. Especially does this responsibility rest with those playwrights (including myself) who are primarily interested in revolutionary drama. To quote from last month’s appeal: “There is probably not an existing form in the theatrical catalogue which one group or another is not prepared to undertake, nor a conceivable experiment which could not be given form and life.” What more could the alert playwright ask for? Of one thing he may be sure, that a workers theatre group will give his play an audience.

Let us drop, then, such terms as propaganda and see what we, as playwrights, can do to supply these growing theatre organizations and audiences. After all, such terms are more of an accusation or justification of aims than a discussion of content and theatre practice; and on the right propaganda tactics against “propaganda” plays are steadily growing so obvious, even to those who use them, that criticism will have to get down to more fundamental issues to be adequate.

REVOLUTIONARY dramaturgy offers a challenge, and it is the duty of American playwrights to meet this challenge. When the power of the theatre is being used only by the bourgeoisie for making profits, when its use as such is not only perverted but a social crime, the only method of correction is the method of revolutionary action and pressure. But action and pressure are not enough, fresh dramatic intelligence is demanded also. For this reason, the more experienced of our younger dramatists should lend their talents to this new dramatic problem.

In terms of the theatre, the threat which the masses are demonstrating today is not only a threat to dying and betraying forms of dramatic art: it is an announcement of the arrival of new thematic material.

When the proletarian masses are rising to power, when the level of intelligence among these masses has taken on a new temper and strength, when the structure of our entire civilization is being altered thereby, all of which are facts of our time, the theatre cannot stupidly take a defensive attitude: it must reach out and embrace, be a part of the offensive vanguard.

The relation of dramatic art to these new masses is, then, the playwright’s important problem. To overcome the weaknesses which have long made our dramas impotent and paralyzed the authority of the theatre as an art and a social value the fundamental principles of dramatic art must be recognized, reaffirmed, and put into action. This is our dramatists’ major task and the only road they can travel today in order to realize this purpose is the route of revolutionary dramaturgy.

Theatre Workers of the World are Uniting! Dramatists, see what you can do!

The New Theater continued Workers Theater. Workers Theater began in New York City in 1931 as the publication of The Workers Laboratory Theater collective, an agitprop group associated with Workers International Relief, becoming the League of Workers Theaters, section of the International Union of Revolutionary Theater of the Comintern. The rough production values of the first years were replaced by a color magazine as it became primarily associated with the New Theater. It contains a wealth of left cultural history and ideas. Published roughly monthly were Workers Theater from April 1931-July/Aug 1933, New Theater from Sept/Oct 1933-November 1937, New Theater and Film from April and March of 1937, (only two issues).

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/workers-theatre/v1n09-oct-1934-New-Theatre.pdf