A full-blown, media and politician-induced panic over Italian gangsters in Chicago during the early days of prohibition not only codified a playbook, it began the now-normal practice of treating all immigrants like criminals with finger-printing and registration. Not without coincidence, a number of leftist emigres from Mussolini’s Italy had recently arrived and Sacco and Vanzetti were fighting for their lives in an international campaign against the barbarity of the U.S. legal system.

‘Gangster Scare–Screen for Anti-Foreign-Born Laws’ by William Simons from the Daily Worker. Vol. 3 No. 31. February 17, 1926.

THE capitalist class of Chicago together with the national government are intensifying their fight against the foreign-born worker and are using the gangster war in Chicago to stir up more hatred against the foreign-born worker thus preparing the ground for deportation of militant workers. Screaming headlines announce the determination of the government in Washington to start deportation proceedings against the alien criminals.

The pretext is furnished by the large number of murders in Chicago during the last twenty years which have been reduced to a system. Recently several such murders occurred. At present two men are on trial accused of killing two policemen. One prospective juror stated that he feared for his life, if as a juror he voted to convict the accused. This unusual discovery has suddenly aroused the moral indignation of the judges, lawyers and businessmen, who are howling for law and order.

Ostensibly, the campaign is aimed at certain gangsters who fight out with guns the economic competition of the bootleggers and the politicians allied with them. Even Chief of Police Collins admitted that the gangsters are rendered more powerful than ever thru the fortunes made thru bootlegging, and their political affiliations.

Campaign Is Fake.

No sincere drive against crime will result against the capitalists responsible for present conditions. In view of the existence of gangster rule in Chicago for a generation, the present campaign can only be regarded as but one of the periodical clean-ups made for public consumption and accomplishing nothing. There will be no drive against the higher-ups in political circles, in the police department or among the bootleg rings. The brunt of the campaign is against the tools, the “poor fishes.” Even should any be deported it will not be the most effective killers–for these will be protected. The working class sons will be singled out, many of them innocent of wrong doing, others prevented from “going straight” by police eager to make a record for efficiency. Labor-baiting States’ Attorney Crowe introduces the red herring of honest juries as the solution for crime.

Deportation no Solution.

Deportation will solve nothing but will simply transfer the activities of the criminals to Italy. Those who attempt to go into industry will draw down further the standard of living of the Italian worker. Some of them will become, others will resume their previous role of fascisti wreckers of working class organizations. The Italian government refuses to shoulder the responsibility for the gangsters describing them as “made in America.” America charges foreigners with the responsibility for crime, and pretends that with their exclusion, crime is done away with. As is usual with crooks, both are right in charging the other with responsibility.

The complicity of the government in crime was revealed by Deputy Chief Stege, when he admitted that all the efforts to deport 86 “Sicilian gunmen” during the last year had failed.

Government Steps In.

The case has assumed national importance with the statements of Coolidge and Davis. Coolidge, the fake strong man of the Boston police strike of 1919, the silent mouthpiece of Wall Street, urges deportation of alien criminals. Secretary of Labor Davis with years of anti-alien propaganda behind him joins the procession. But deportation never was a weapon against criminals; it was used against class conscious workers striving for better conditions for the working class. The Palmer “red raids” produced the deportation delirium of 1920 and 1921. Since then many other cases have come up of similar nature. The fear of strikes in basic industries is behind the administration move for laws to register all aliens, and to finger-print them. The machinery for deportation is being oiled.

Working Class Protest.

The only effective protest against past attempts to put over such legislation came from the councils for the protection of foreign-born, consisting of unions and other working class organizations. They rendered valuable aid in arousing the workers of America against such legislation. Now when several resolutions are already before the house of representatives, to “bestow” upon all alien foreign-born workers the “privileges” of finger-printing formerly granted only to convicted criminals, the councils for the protection of the foreign-born are again rallying their forces. The campaign is nation-wide, and promises to stir up not only foreign-born workers but even native-born.

Coolidge’s Red Herring.

At a time when the militant workers of America are gathering their strength for a struggle against these persecution laws, Coolidge is drawing across the trail the deportation weapon against foreign-born criminals. When the militants are protesting against deportation of the foreign-born workers, Coolidge camouflages the deportation stick as if intended only for alien criminals. When the Coolidge camouflage campaign runs its course, then it will be easier to put over the vicious laws aimed at the foreign-born. Deportation will have become a popular method, and finger-printing and registration will only seem a means to determine those fit for deportation. This is the plan of the government at Washington, Workers should not be deceived by it. A real war against crime is a war against the capitalist system. There is no other solution. Deportation is not a weapon against criminals, but against the working class. The protection of the foreign-born in the light of this capitalist campaign becomes an issue of immediate importance to the working class.

The Daily Worker began in 1924 and was published in New York City by the Communist Party US and its predecessor organizations. Among the most long-lasting and important left publications in US history, it had a circulation of 35,000 at its peak. The Daily Worker came from The Ohio Socialist, published by the Left Wing-dominated Socialist Party of Ohio in Cleveland from 1917 to November 1919, when it became became The Toiler, paper of the Communist Labor Party. In December 1921 the above-ground Workers Party of America merged the Toiler with the paper Workers Council to found The Worker, which became The Daily Worker beginning January 13, 1924. National and City (New York and environs) editions exist.

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/dailyworker/1926/1926-ny/v03-n032-NY-feb-18-1926-DW-LOC.pdf