In 1931, the Shah cancelled the concession to the Anglo-Persian Oil Company (predecessor of BP) as part of a larger jostling with British imperialism. In 1932 Magyar was deputy head of the Eastern Secretariat of the Executive Committee and a leading voice on the national-colonial revolution in the Comintern.

‘The Fight for Persian Oil and the Tasks of the C.P. of Iran’ by Lajos Magyar from International Press Correspondence. Vol. 12 No. 58. December 29, 1932.

I.

The conflict which has arisen between British imperialism and the Reza Khan government, confronts the C.P. of Iran, all revolutionary elements and all anti-imperialist fighters in the country with responsible tasks.

The C.P. of Iran regards it as its chief task to mobilise the working masses for the fight against British imperialism and to organise them in the course of this fight, to set up a proletarian cadre in the anti-imperialist movement, and thereby win the hegemony of the proletariat in this fight.

In order to be able to solve this strategic tasks the Communist Party of Iran clearly takes into account the meaning, content and character of the conflict which has arisen and is still going on, between British imperialism and the Reza Khan government and also the perspectives of this struggle. What are the issues in this fight? What role does the government of Reza Khan play? What are the perspectives of this fight?

Persia achieved its formal national independence as a result of the October revolution. Persia, which before the October revolution was a semi-colony of Russian and British imperialism, under the influence of the October revolution and the result of the national revolutionary struggles of the working masses obtained its national independence. At the same time, however, the ruling classes of Persia succeeded in throttling the national revolutionary movement in its beginnings. The Gilau revolution was crushed. The big landowners and the representatives of big mercantile capital were sufficiently strong in order to prevent the national movement from developing into the agrarian revolution. But the force and the swing of the anti-imperialist movement were thereby destroyed. The anti-imperialist movement was not carried out to an end. The country became independent politically; economically, however, all the important key positions remained in the hands of the imperialists, and in the first place in the hands of the British imperialists. Persia is a proof and an example of how a colonial or semi-colonial country can, in the period of imperialism, of proletarian revolutions and fight for national emancipation, achieve its political independence.

Comrades Piatakov, Buckharin, Radek and also Rosa Luxemburg, in polemics with Lenin, disputed this. The historical development the examples of Turkey, Persia and to a certain period also Afghanistan, have proved that Lenin’s point of view was correct.

Economically Persia remained a semi-colony of imperial- ism: in the first place of British imperialism. The most important key positions of the country-foreign trade, oil, banking, motor transport remained under the control of British finance capital. This circumstance and the class character of the government of Reza Khan caused the latter to pursue the path of capitulation to imperialism. Many Persian comrades have put forward the view that Reza Khan is only an agent of British imperialism. Other comrades, on the other hand, maintained that Reza Khan is the bearer of national progress and is successfully solving the task of the national emancipation and centralisation of the country. It is scarcely necessary to emphasise that both these points of view are incorrect.

Reza Khan and his government represent the interests of the semi-feudal big landowners and of big mercantile capital. This government has not solved the tasks of the bourgeois national revolution in Persia; it could not and cannot solve this task. 90 per cent. of the land is in the possession of feudal and semi-feudal big landowners. The peasantry is exploited by the semi-feudal tenancy conditions, by the money- lenders, the taxes and State monopolies. The economic key positions of imperialism, of foreign finance capital, have become still stronger during the regime of Reza Khan. The national question within the country has not only not been solved but has become more acute. The Turkish, Arab and Kurdish minorities, the various nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes were subjected to ruthless national oppression. The Church is still one of the largest landowners in the country and holds important political positions in its hands. The monarchy of Reza Khan is the embodiment of the power of the big-landowners and of big mercantile capital, and realises the dictatorship of these classes through its military-bureaucratic-police apparatus. The so-called democratic Constitution is only a farce. Formal bourgeois democracy is indeed the constitution of free commodity producers, and the Persian peasant, it is true, is becoming more and more a producer of commodities, but not a free producer of commodities. So long as the peasant lives under the yoke and within the confines of feudal and semi-feudal agrarian conditions, the Constitution will remain a farce. The most elementary democratic rights–freedom of organisation, freedom of the press, of meeting and of election–are trodden underfoot. Big mercantile capital is becoming more and more coalesced with the feudal and semi-feudal big land ownership. The rich merchants are buying up the land, but they do not carry on their own enterprises on the land so purchased, but continue the semi-feudal exploitation of the peasantry in even more ruthless and cruel forms. In Persia share-cropping is still the prevailing form of exploitation in agriculture. Land, water, cattle, agricultural implements, seed corn and labour power are regarded as factors of agricultural production. The harvest is accordingly divided up into six parts, and the peasant receives only a sixth part of the yield in return for his labour. Thus if the big landowner places at the disposal of the tenant the land, water, cattle, implements and seed corn, he receives five-sixths of the harvest as rent. To this there is to be added the exploitation of the peasantry by money-lenders, taxes, high monopoly prices for matches, salt, oil, sugar, tobacco etc.

Owing to this its class character the Reza Khan government cannot conduct a consistent anti-imperialist fight.

The foreign policy of Reza Khan consisted and consists in taking advantage of the antagonisms between the Soviet Union and the imperialist Powers, endeavouring at the same time to lay increasing stress on the anti-Soviet character of its policy. It is very significant that even during the conflict with the British government the government press of Persia is conducting a systematic campaign against the Soviet Union, making use in this connection of the stupid arguments regarding “red imperialism”. Reza Khan’s government is endeavouring at the same time to take advantage of the antagonisms between the imperialist Powers themselves. For this reason the Persian government is endeavouring to interest German, Italian, Belgian and French capital in Persia. German capital is interested in the construction of railways, Belgian capital in motor transport, German and Italian capital in foreign trade, and French capital in the tobacco monopoly. The most important economic key positions, however, are still in the hands of British finance capital.

The fight which Reza Khan is conducting over Persian oil is nothing else but a national-reformist fight, and there is every prospect of his capitulating to British imperialism. For the government of the Shah, this fight is not a revolutionary fight for winning back the greatest source of the wealth of the country-oil. It is a case of bargaining at the cost of the working population of Persia. The Shah and his government wish to come to an agreement with the Anglo-Persian. It is only a question of the price.

Even this national-reformist fight would, however, have been impossible so far as the Shah and his government are concerned if it were not for the intensification of the fight between the two worlds–between the Soviet Union and imperialism–if the intensification of the fight in the camp of the imperialists, and in particular the intensification of the antagonisms between England and the United States, between Deterding and the Standard Oil Company, had not created favourable conditions for the action of the Persian government. This national-reformist fight would have been impossible if the economic crisis had not compelled the Persian government to seek new sources of revenue, if the pressure of the masses had not forced the government of Reza Khan to come forward in the role of defender of the national interests. And further even this national-reformist fight would have been impossible as far as the Persian monarchy is concerned if the depreciation of the Pound, the Invergordon mutiny, the whole crisis of British imperialism had not shaken the prestige and influence of British imperialism also in Persia.

The government of Reza Khan is conducting a national- reformist fight and is bargaining with British imperialism for a better price.

The working masses of Persia, however, are conducting à revolutionary fight against British imperialism.

II.

The English “National Government” has sent two diplomatic Notes to the government of the United States requesting postponement of the debt instalments falling due in December and a revision of the War-Debts Settlement. The “sacredness” of Treaties has not prevented the National Government from raising the question of the revision of the Treaty.

The Persian Government has annulled the Treaty with the Anglo-Persian Oil Company and proposed a revision of this Treaty. The English government replied to this demand by dispatching warships to the Persian Gulf, and the Under-Secretary of State, replying to questions in the House of Commons, refused to give any assurance that no warlike means would be employed against Persia. Mr. D’Arcy, the representative of English finance capital, concluded the concession agreement with the corrupt, rotten Kadshar dynasty, which was only able to maintain itself with the aid of English warships and bayonets, and the Cossacks of the Russian tsars. This corrupt dynasty granted a concession to exploit the oil resources of Persia in return for £20,000. It sold the future, the enormous riches of the country, for a mere mess of pottage. And the English government defends the “sacredness” of the agreement and sends warships in order to enforce its observance.

The Anglo-Persian Oil Company forms a state within the State of Persia. It has its own police (security service); it has its own laws. The army, police and State power of Reza Khan is at its disposal, as was shown in the strike in the year 1929, when hundreds of workers were arrested and banished at the behest of the all-powerful company. And during the strike the warships of His Majesty King George appeared in the Persian Gulf. The Company imported Indian, Armenian and Arab workers to Persia in order to destroy the unity of the workers by means of national and religious differences.

In the year 1931, the Anglo-Persian Oil Company still paid 1,700 million Pound Sterling to the Persian government as 16 per cent. of the net profits of the company. In the year 1932 the company proposed to pay only 300,000 Pound Sterling. It was this fact which set the ball rolling and provided the im- mediate cause of the conflict. The English Government recently concluded a Treaty with Iraq according to which a fixed sum is to be paid for every ton of oil exported. Thus Iraq does not receive a share of the profits, but a definite sum according to the quantity of oil exported. The Persian government is apparently striving for a similar agreement. But that is not the case. The D’Arcy concession embraces an area of 1,145,000 square kilometres (the total area of Persia is 1,645,000 square kilometres). This means that the Persian government has no right to grant other concessions on this territory. The Persian government is apparently aiming at a certain restriction of the concession area in order to be able to do business with Standard Oil or Sinclair. It is this circumstance which converts the conflict into part of the big fight between the big oil trusts.

In Persia itself a broad anti-imperialist mass movement is growing: a national movement against British imperialism. This movement is not organised, and the broad masses of the people who are taking part in it have not yet got rid of their illusions regarding the role of the government of Reza Khan.

The masses of workers, peasants and petty bourgeoisie still believe that Reza Khan is conducting a consistent fight against imperialism, and do not yet perceive that he is only bargaining with British imperialism over the price of the new capitulation. Reza Khan wants to obtain a higher price for Persian oil; the masses are fighting to win back the oil wells from British finance capital.

This situation determine the tactics of the C.P. of Iran. Reza Khan only wants a higher price for the oil. The masses want the restoration of the oilfields to Persia. The Communists therefore set up the slogan of confiscation of the oil wells. This demand is directed against British imperialism, but it also exposes the government of Reza Khan to the masses.

England has occupied the Bahrein Islands. The Persian government has already demanded the handing back of the Bahrein Islands. The C.P. of Iran demands the handing back of the Bahrein Islands and is opposed to any negotiations until the Bahrein Islands are given back. England sends warships to the Persian Gulf. The Communist Party of Iran demands that there be no negotiations with England so long as English warships threaten Persia. Next to the naphtha works the Saschi-Sach Bank constitutes the most important key-position of English finance capital in Persia. The C.P. of Iran demands the cessation of the activity of this bank in Persia and the annulment of the concessions held by this bank. At the same time the Communists demand the cessation of debt payment to England.

Foreign Trade in Persia is under State control. The C.P. of Iran demands the breaking off of trade relations with England. Its slogan is: “Boycott English goods, banks and undertakings.”

In order to support these anti-imperialist slogans, in order to be able to take over the leadership of the anti- imperialist movement, the C.P. of Iran is fighting for the setting up of anti-imperialist unity committees which shall unite the masses of workers and peasants and the urban petty bourgeoisie for common fighting actions. These committees of action shall lend weight to the anti-imperialist fighting slogans by means of demonstrations, protest strikes.

From the point of view of the whole movement it is of the greatest importance to mobilise the workers employed in the oil works. The oil workers of Persia already proved their fighting capacity in the big strike in the year 1929. English warships and the police of Reza Khan crushed this strike movement, as is now admitted in the Persian Parliament. The C.P. of Iran considers it its most important task to develop the strike movement in the oil region for shorter working hours, for higher wages, for better dwellings, for equality of the Persian with Indian and Arab workers, for the confiscation of the oil works, for the occupation of the oil works, for the removal of the English police from the oil regions. The C.P. of Iran is at the same time carrying on agitation. for the united front among the Indian, Arab and Armenian workers by explaining to them that the anti-imperialist united front of the workers in Persia facilitates the fight for emancipation also in India and Iraq. The oil workers, with the support of the workers and toilers of the whole of Persia, can achieve the hegemony of the proletariat in this fight. The C.P. of Iran will concentrate its best forces in the oil regions in order to create proletarian cadres in the anti- imperialist movement.

The C.P. of Iran is endeavouring at the same time to popularise throughout the whole country the slogan of anti-imperialist fight and bring to the masses the fighting slogans for democratic liberties: (freedom of political organisations, freedom of the press, right of combination, right to strike, release of proletarian prisoners, repeal of anti-communist laws). There can be no revolutionary anti-imperialist fight if the masses do not win their democratic rights.

Needless to say, the C.P. of Iran is continuing its fight for the every-day demands of the workers (shorter working hours, higher wages, social legislation, freedom of trade union organisations, right to strike etc.). It goes without saying that the Communists also voice the demands of the peasantry: reduction and cancellation of ground rents, reduction of taxes, abolition of usurious debts, abolition of feudal dues. There is no need to say that the C.P. of Iran also propagates its final slogans (overthrow of the monarchy, workers’ and peasants’ government).

And to the extent to which the fight increases and the capitulation policy of Reza Khan becomes clearer to the masses, so will the C.P. of Iran accentuate its fighting slogans, its forms and methods of fight.

The Communist Party of Iran is confronted with responsible tasks. It depends upon the solution of these. tasks whether the C.P. of Iran will succeed in arriving on the broad path of the mass movement, whether the Party will succeed in emerging from the narrow circles to which its work has hitherto been confined, and in penetrating into the broad anti-imperialist movement of the masses.

International Press Correspondence, widely known as”Inprecor” was published by the Executive Committee of the Communist International (ECCI) regularly in German and English, occasionally in many other languages, beginning in 1921 and lasting in English until 1938. Inprecor’s role was to supply translated articles to the English-speaking press of the International from the Comintern’s different sections, as well as news and statements from the ECCI. Many ‘Daily Worker’ and ‘Communist’ articles originated in Inprecor, and it also published articles by American comrades for use in other countries. It was published at least weekly, and often thrice weekly. A major contributor to the Communist press in the U.S., Inprecor is an invaluable English-language source on the history of the Communist International and its sections.

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