The textile mills of Paterson, New Jersey were the site of some of the first strikes in the U.S. and the scene of some the country’s most important class battles. Continued division plagued the movement as the 1931 conflict saw three unions, the N.T.W.U., U.T.W., and A.S.W., with very different orientations participate in the strike.

“The Best Strike Paterson Ever Had” by Worker Correspondents from Labor Age. Vol. 20 No. 12. December, 1931.

Paterson, New Jersey, “the silk city,” has had a rich experience in industrial warfare. Since 1828, more than a hundred years ago, when the first strike of factory workers in the United States was declared in this city on swamps and bogs, the Paterson textile workers have been receiving education in the class struggle in one industrial war after another. This tradition of struggle has created a strong sentiment for organization. A minority of silk workers have hung together more tenaciously here than any industrial group in any other place in the country.

But of all the strikes Paterson has had according to many of the old timers who went through the 1931, 1919, 1924 and 1928 strikes, the one this past summer has been “the best.” It has “brought back the old spirit to the workers,” says Joseph Brooks, former organizer for the Associated Silk Workers. “It has given them new courage and new hope.”

“Sorry I had to go back to work,” said Anthony Cervillo. “The strike was a lot of fun for workers who have to work long hours and, then, can’t make enough to live.”

“There has been better leadership, more militantly and courageously displayed in this than in the strikes of the past,” asserts Jack Neary, secretary of the relief committee. Worker Neary has grown old in “the silk.”

Much of the militancy of this strike was due to the participation of the young workers who played an especially active part. These young workers, among whom were Harry Allison, Chairman of the Doherty Mill strikers, William Hulihan, Geo. H. Anthony, Marnius Van Estenbridge and Ray Morgan, picket captains, with their enthusiasm and freshness, have revived the spirit of the older workers — and given them new courage. All during the strike these young people could be found early in the frosty mornings marching in picket lines. They went to jail singing; they put shame and fear into those who were potential scabs; and now many of them are walking the streets hungry, without jobs, but they are still enthusiastic.

The tactics and policies of the strike followed out by Louis F. Budenz, strike leader and representative of the Conference for Progressive Labor Action, expressed the sentiment of the rank and file. This was proven when the workers voted unanimously to retain Budenz as organizer. These policies were:

First, that under no circumstances should there be any let up on mass picketing. The spirit of solidarity gained in this way on the picket line could not be broken by arrests or threats.

Second, that the police should be dealt with firmly but with courtesy. (Many of the Paterson police are brothers or husbands of the mill workers.) The business of calling names or of engaging in arguments with the police was avoided in so far as possible. Picket leaders were thoroughly familiar with their legal rights under existing city and state laws and insisted upon these rights being observed. Thus when there was any violence the public held the police responsible and not the workers.

The effectiveness of this tactic is demonstrated further by the fact that of the more than 700 arrests made during the strike not one fine has had to be paid by the union. This, of course, is partly due to the background of Paterson, but a large share of the credit must go to the method of handling the police and the courts.

Third, that the leaders should go out on the picket lines whenever it became necessary to maintain the spirit of the workers, and that they should go to jail with the workers. Budenz was arrested six times on charges ranging from assaulting a police officer in Clifton to wrecking an automobile. Time after time he went to jail. But although the bosses tried in every way to frame him for his militancy he came free each time because of lack of evidence.

Fourth, that the strike should be given the widest possible publicity. Strike news, written by Budenz, who has the experience of more than 40 strikes to go on, was sent to the papers daily. Even after the General Strike was officially called off, strike and union news appeared on the front pages of the Paterson papers.

In carrying out this policy the CPLA cooperated in every possible way. Warren C. Montross was kept on the picket lines seeing that the policy set down should be carried out. Gizella I. Budenz was in charge of the women’s work, and by her enthusiasm and militancy succeeded in keeping down all conservative opposition which might discourage the workers.

As has been pointed out in previous articles in Labor Age, this strike once more demonstrates the correctness of the CPLA policy. It is the organization which can best function on the industrial field today when the workers are divided into so many warring factions.

The Socialist Party gained considerable good will by the arrest of Norman Thomas at the John Hand Mill and by the assistance given by the Striker’s Emergency Relief and the Jewish Daily Forward. Still the S.P. is linked in the minds of the workers with the “cockroach manufacturers.” Thus, just before the elections, three candidates on the local S.P. ticket were expelled from the Party, under pressure from the workers, as manufacturers who had operated scab shops throughout the strike. The weakness of the S.P. in allowing exploiters of labor to be members and even prominent members of the party was never shown more clearly.

The Communist Party (Majority Group) cooperated very effectively on the picket line, particularly through Sasha Zimmerman, but this group suffers from the double disadvantage of being Communist and not being Communists. Although they were active during the entire period of the strike, yet they have succeeded in gaining very little hold on the workers. Some Socialist Labor Party members, in the ranks of the workers, were also quite active in the strike. But the S.L.P. is looked upon by the majority of the workers as having shot its bolt, and it is no longer taken seriously.

The Struggle Continues

Officially the strike is now over, but actually the struggle of the workers, and particularly workers in the silk industry, will never be over so long as the profit system continues. That is why it is so important that the leadership in the union, after the strike is called off, be a militant, honest and intelligent leadership.

The silk industry today is suffering from the worst slump in its history. Shops are closing down. Thousands of workers are unemployed and the suffering is intense. Many of the most militant strikers are having their gas shut off, are compelled to light their homes with candles and are without food for days at a time. They have no clothing, or not sufficient to protect them against winter weather. Some of them are being evicted, and the threat of eviction hangs over the heads of hundreds of families. Local city relief machinery refuses to operate unless the workers come within the proper classification or are willing to entirely sacrifice their self-respect.

“Why don’t you go to the poor house?” was asked of one of the unemployed silk workers, who was active in the strike, when he applied for relief. “We cannot help you if you have no children,’ another was told. Both he and his wife have been out of work for months. They must depend entirely upon their friends, many of whom are in almost as bad condition, for food.

Naturally the manufacturers are taking full advantage of the helplessness of the workers and are trying in every way to break their agreements by lengthening the hours and by cutting the piece prices.

But despite the desperate condition of the workers their spirit still remains excellent and they continue to fight back. But they must have help. Otherwise the conditions which they so courageously won this past summer may be again taken from them.

Labor Age was a left-labor monthly magazine with origins in Socialist Review, journal of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society. Published by the Labor Publication Society from 1921-1933 aligned with the League for Industrial Democracy of left-wing trade unionists across industries. During 1929-33 the magazine was affiliated with the Conference for Progressive Labor Action (CPLA) led by A. J. Muste. James Maurer, Harry W. Laidler, and Louis Budenz were also writers. The orientation of the magazine was industrial unionism, planning, nationalization, and was illustrated with photos and cartoons. With its stress on worker education, social unionism and rank and file activism, it is one of the essential journals of the radical US labor socialist movement of its time.

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/laborage/v20n12-dec-1931-Labor%20Age.pdf