Though ridiculous, far more ridiculous charges have ended in executions of activists. Joseph J. Ettor, Arturo Giovannitti, and Joseph Caruso are acquitted of the murder of Lawrence striker Anna LoPizzo, shot by police during a confrontation on the picket line.

‘The Acquittal of Ettor and Giovannitti’ by Phillips Russel from International Press Correspondence. Vol. 13 No. 7. January, 1913.

ETTOR, Giovannitti and Caruso were freed of murder or being accessories to the murder of Anna Lo Pizzo for various reasons, according to one’s point of view, of course.

The capitalist press hailed the verdict of not guilty as proof of the fairness of our courts, though of course it was nothing of the kind. We haven’t forgotten Parsons, Spies and their comrades, or Jack Whyte whose declaration, “To hell with your courts; I know what justice is!” has scarcely died out of our hearing.

Some may think the prosecution was defeated because of its pitiful lack of evidence, though all of us know that men have been sent to the gallows before on evidence no stronger.

Others may say the defense won because of the array of able lawyers employed and their skillful handling of the case.

It is true the defending attorneys were able, but if the three men on trial had had no other support they might have gotten a manslaughter verdict, for the lack of team-work among the lawyers was noticeable and but two of them showed evidence of adequate preparation.

I was present at the trial and if asked why the men were acquitted I should give the same answer that Ettor gave–the solidarity of labor, with this addition: That the trial was conducted by the prosecution against the principles and methods of the Industrial Workers of the World. It was District Attorney Atwill who introduced St. John’s pamphlet on the history, structure and methods of the Industrial Workers of the World and other documents showing the aims, purpose and ideals of the Industrial Workers of the World emphasizing the stronger features of the organization. While the lawyers for the defense, with the exception of Moore, had no experience in labor cases and no conception of the class struggle. It was the defendants who helped to keep the atmosphere clear and the case from becoming a mere murder trial. In many instances they met Atwill on his selected ground. Even Caruso responded to the question, “Are you a member of the Industrial Workers of the World?”

“No, but I am going to join as soon as I get out of jail.”

Another factor was the threat of the defense to introduce testimony showing a conspiracy on the part of the mill owners and their allies.

If the attorneys for the defense had been allowed to try the case as if it were an ordinary murder case, the result might have been different. Early in the proceedings the district attorney “done his damnest” to arouse prejudice against the prisoners by introducing testimony showing that there was some violence and considerable disorder at times on the part of the Lawrence strikers.

So there was. The wonder is that there wasn’t more; and a member of the jury so expressed himself afterwards. At one time counsel for the defense seemed tempted to combat this line of testimony by trying to prove that the strikers, of which Ettor and Giovannitti were the supposed leaders, were a flock of peaceful lambs of the utmost meekness and mildness; which they weren’t, and everybody knew they weren’t.

But wiser tactics were adopted and when the district attorney in horror called attention to the occurrences on the first day of the strike–a few broken windows, some damaged machinery, scabs with torn clothing, etc.. the defense admitted everything and did not deny. What of it? they said.

Here were a wronged, desperate, maddened lot of people. It is true that in their anger they did misbehave, but what would you expect? We admit all this; but now let’s see you connect Ettor, Giovannitti and Caruso with it. And the commonwealth couldn’t.

But Ettor and Giovannitti were right when they said they owed their liberty to the support given them by the working class; not only of America, but of Italy, of France, of Spain, of Germany, of Sweden and of England; for the workers of all these countries were heard from and in no uncertain tones.

The protest strike called by the workers of Lawrence made a tremendous impression on the capitalist class. I was in a big newspaper office the night the returns began to come in telling of protest strikes in Lawrence, in Lynn, in Haverhill, in Quincy, in Barre, in Pennsylvania and Ohio, and in Italy. The editors were appalled. “God!” they said. “Why, it will be chaos!”

American Woolen Co. stock began falling off the next day, and when out of a total of 250 veniremen only four consented to serve on the jury, respectable New Englanders looked at each other in wonder.

And then when the workers went back into the mills after that protest strike. I understand that they violated “Section 6” at a rate that made the managers moan in anguish and wish that Ettor, Giovannitti and Caruso had been left free to roam where they listed.

Great is the power of the workers when once they choose to exert it. It can’t be beaten.

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/isr/v13n07-jan-1913-ISR-go-ocr.pdf