The election blues? Here is some Leftist Trainspotting from 1905’s San Francisco socialists. Aside from the entertainment value, the article gives a good sense of how some of the divisions between the S.P. and S.L.P. were viewed.

‘Marxian League of San Francisco Joins the Socialist Labor Party in a Body’ by Lewis Herman from The Weekly People. Vol. 15 No. 11. June 10, 1905.

A Succession of Object Lessons in the Corruption and Anti-Working Class Trades Unionism of the “Socialist,” alias Social Democratic, alias Public Ownership Party, Causes Them to Affiliate with the Only Revolutionary Socialist Party in the Country.

San Francisco, May 28. San Francisco, just the same as a good many other cities in the United States, had its Marxian League, an organization composed of students of Socialism, men, mostly young ones at that, who had either been members or sympathizers of the “Socialist” party. They had learned of the corruption and rottenness of the “Socialist” party from practical experience. They saw that the ‘Frisco Local of the “Slowcialist” party was largely run for the benefit of a few grafters, in order to enable them to obtain a living from the membership. They also learned that there was no use of their trying to remedy the evil from the inside of the “Socialist” party. So they got out and organized the Marxian League, with what material they could find. They were still “Socialist” party men at heart; looking at everything in society, and especially the Labor Movement, in that anarchistic light, which they had been taught in the “Socialist” party. For instance, the American Federation of Labor is all right (?-?-?), only those rascals, such as Gompers, Mitchell and so forth, must be kicked out. I believe this is about the whole of the “Socialist” party’s interpretation of the Labor Movement.

Now, then, these young men applied the same mode of reasoning to the “Socialist party nationally, and, in particular, locally. While they were organized as a mere educational league, which was supposed to be impartial, nevertheless, the question of “What is the Difference?” was too live an issue to permit itself to be sailed around. They struggled hard against it. Using the above-mentioned philosophy, they said:

“The ‘Socialist’ party is all right; if we could only get rid of Costley, Beresford, Arthur Morrow Lewis and his wife, and big Brown, and so on.”

That men at the head of a movement stood there as the product of the movement they had not learned as yet. In these days the Socialist Labor Party men were still nothing else than “De Leonites” with them,

Well, the young men of the Marxian League put up their stand on Grant avenue, and commenced to hammer away at the local spouters of the “Socialist” party. Next, they were in need of literature. They debated pro and con as to what literature the Marxian League should sell. But after a very short time they learned that the Socialist Labor Party pamphlets were the only safe literature that could be placed in the hands of the workers. They made no distinctions in regard to the papers they sold. “The Voice of Labor”, “The Referendum”, “The Clarion”, “The Crisis”, and “The Worker” were sold, along with the Edinburg “Socialist” and The Weekly People. It was believed that the public should read them all and then judge.

But gradually on the great world historic stage of Capitalism certain changes took place, as far as the Labor Movement was concerned. First came the Class Struggle in Colorado; next, the convention of the American Federation of Labor in ‘Frisco. A good many of the members of the Marxian League expected the men in attendance at this convention to take some action against the outrages committed by capitalist society against the Working Class. But nothing of the kind happened. They saw instead the cringing, cowardly part played in that convention by such “Socialists” as Victor Berger, Max Hayes, et al. Then quite a number of these young men realized that The Weekly People, in its exposition of the fallacious policy and principles of Gompers and the Civic Federationized American Federation of Labor, was decidedly correct. This was lesson number one.

Next came the Manifesto of the Industrial Unionists at Chicago, issued in January, 1905. The Marxian League saw the dissension which it created throughout the length and breadth of this country within the “Socialist” party. How almost every one of the privately owned papers of the “Socialist” party was knifing this honest endeavor of proletarians to organize on the economic field along the lines of the Class Struggle. They had heard Thomas J. Hagerty, editor of “The Voice of Labor”, speak at the Alhambra Theater on Industrial Unionism. They saw the treatment he got by Local ‘Frisco. They realized that this question of Industrial Unionism did not bear bridging over; that no organization could consistently endorse the American Federation of Labor and the new Industrial Union at the same time. And they settled it by openly coming out in favor of Industrial Unionism. This was lesson number two.

The moment the Marixan League came out for the future Industrial Union Movement, they could not help. themselves from realizing the fact that the Socialist Labor Party had for years advocated this principle; hence, in the light of the new Industrial Unionism, it is the only Socialist Movement that is scientific and revolutionary. This was lesson number three.

Next, a bitter fight started within the Marxian League itself as to what papers should be sold on the street. The clearer-minded members, such as O’Hanrahan, Schmidt and others, took the stand that a speaker on the platform, talking Industrial Unionism, I would be branding himself an irresponsible freak if he would dare to ask the public to buy such papers as the “New York Worker” and other organs of the “Socialist” party that were either insidiously or openly fighting the Industrial Union project. This resulted in all “Kang” or crooked “Socialist” party papers being ordered off of the list. This was lesson number four.

With this action the Marxian League had officially declared itself in favor of the Socialist Labor Party.

About the time this fight began, some of the Socialist Labor Party men saw that, within the League itself, there was an ever stronger Socialist Labor Party sentiment growing. They joined the organization. The constitution did not permit an investigation of the applicant’s political views. Thus, as far as the constitution was concerned, the Marxian League could be captured any time by the “Socialist” party.

The Marxian League now stood divided into three factions, one for the “Socialist” party, composed of such men as S. Rosenthal and George Vaughn–men who had been expelled by the “tolerant” “Socialist” party for selling The Weekly People: men of the kind who, the more abuse they have to suffer from their masters, the better they seem to love them. Both of these men had already applied to the S.E.C. of the “Socialist” party for reinstatement. Their plan was to get reinstated and then take the Marxian League into the “Socialist” party with them. Next, there came some dead heads, who just wanted to be members of a club of mutual admirationists. Next came those ever and ever-increasing men who stood for the Socialist Labor Party. George Vaughn had written a letter to Mr. Lewis (the “long-haired peddler, of phraseology”), in which letter he showed his narrow-mindedness by personally attacking Lewis, claiming that same letter was the result of an action of the League, using Marxian League letterhead paper as well as the League’s stamp, therefore, though having no authority whatever to do so. So charges were preferred against him. Mr. Rosenthal, organizer of the League, was removed from office on account of having, in his capacity as organizer, also written letters to individual members of the League with no authority or just excuse, notifying them that they (his clique) should be present at next meeting. Comrade Jack Jacobs was elected in his place as organizer of the League. Next a motion was made and passed that crowns the lessons learned by the membership of the Marxian League, the result of the evolution within that body, to wit, that they, as a body, should immediately affiliate themselves with the Socialist Labor Party. This motion was made and carried by a vote of 16 to 3. Three of these sixteen were old-time Socialist Labor Party men. The motion was made by G.D. O’Hanrahan and seconded by George Vaughn, Emil Kern and Lewis Herman. After it had been carried by such a large majority as it was then Mr. George Vaughn–the “Socialist” party student of strategy withdrew his second; but as the motion had also been seconded by Comrades L. Herman and Emil Kern, it stood as a parliamentary constitutional motion, and was carried.

Next, a committee of five were elected and given full power to arrange matters of affiliation between the Marxian League and Section San Francisco of the Socialist Labor Party. Well, next evening the headquarters of the Socialist Labor Party was crowded. The whole committee of the League was present. They presented the Section with the request of the League to be admitted into the Socialist Labor Party as a branch of Section San Francisco–and their request was granted.

The following resolution was drawn up and adopted, as read:

Let it hereby be resolved that we, the undersigned, duly elected members of the committee to find ways and means to affiliate the Marxian League with the Socialist Labor Party, report as follows:

Whereas, The Socialist Labor Party stands for the unconditional surrender of the Capitalist Class, and hence, therefore, is the only party truly representing Working Class interest; therefore be it

Resolved, That we, the duly authorized committee of the Marxian League affiliate the League with the Socialist Labor Party, and hereby affix our signatures.

Emil J. Kern, George D. O’Hanrahan, Sam Schmidt, Frank Sulzer, Lewis Herman.

This action took place on Tuesday, May 23. The following day some of the comrades went to the Marxian League headquarters to find an old time resigned member of the League, a good friend of Rosenthal and Vaughan, busily engaged in screwing off the electric light fixtures, claiming same to be his. The comrades realized then that the Marxian League property was not safe in the old headquarters. They got in communication with their executive officers and they instructed them to remove everything to the Socialist Labor Party headquarters. The next day the minority of the League, when they learned what had happened, gave a big tale of woe to the reporters of the capitalist newspapers, an account of which every one of the big dailies in ‘Frisco gave in an article more or less untrue. Rosenthal and others came around with all sorts of moral quibbles, wanting to know why such an honest man as Comrade S. Rosenthal was ousted from the organizership? They were told that revolutionary action called for it.

The Socialist Labor Party is expected to march into the Co-operative Commonwealth some of these days in more or less the same manner as the Marxian League got into the S.L.P. And there will be perhaps, after all has happened, a good many more moral quibblers, who will say: “Oh, I don’t think it was hardly fair”, but humanity will sweep by them without giving them any recognition whatever.

Yours for the Revolution,

Lewis Herman.

P.S. The man who was taking the fixtures out of the Marxian League, W. De Latimer, the good friend of S. Rosenthal and George Vaughn, is now in jail, charged with felony.

New York Labor News Company was the publishing house of the Socialist Labor Party and their paper The People. The People was the official paper of the Socialist Labor Party of America (SLP), established in New York City in 1891 as a weekly. The New York SLP, and The People, were dominated Daniel De Leon and his supporters, the dominant ideological leader of the SLP from the 1890s until the time of his death. The People became a daily in 1900. It’s first editor was the French socialist Lucien Sanial who was quickly replaced by De Leon who held the position until his death in 1914. Morris Hillquit and Henry Slobodin, future leaders of the Socialist Party of America were writers before their split from the SLP in 1899. For a while there were two SLPs and two Peoples, requiring a legal case to determine ownership. Eventual the anti-De Leonist produced what would become the New York Call and became the Social Democratic, later Socialist, Party. The De Leonist The People continued publishing until 2008.

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/the-people-slp/050610-weeklypeople-v15n11-malloneyobit.pdf