Elections and electoralism have never not been debated in the left. Frank Bohn, in the period he was Bill Haywood’s co-thinker in formulating a political industrial unionism, weighs in on the role of voting in capitalists society, and the debate over political vs. economic action.

‘The Ballot: Eighty Years or Sense and Nonsense’ by Frank Bohn from International Socialist Review. Vol. 10. No. 12. June, 1910.

CHAPTER I.

1827-35. The American Labor Movement resolved to “strike at the ballot box.” It strikes. A fake “labor” party is organized. The genuine party is shattered and the “strike at the ballot-box” fails.

CHAPTER II.

1867-94. The National Labor Union and Knights of Labor make use, indirectly and sporadically, of the ballot. Weakness and compromise prevent definite results. Capitalist politicians help to break up the Knights of Labor.

CHAPTER III.

1882-1908. The American Federation of Labor clings unswervingly to the policy of “No politics in the union.” But this slogan does not keep out the great hosts of ward-healers who find local unions and central bodies the most smoothly running parts of their machines.

1908-10. The American Federation of Labor invites Republicans and Democratic politicians into its service. Everyone whose election they advocate is defeated.

1910. The American Federation of Labor inclines toward a craft-unionized “labor” party. Limbs of the party succeed in being born dead.

CHAPTER IV.

1895-1905. The Socialist Labor Party sets up the Socialist Trade and Labor Alliance to teach the workers to “strike at the ballot box” for the S.L.P. There was no great striking done.

CHAPTER V.

1900-10. A large portion of the membership of the Socialist Party declare that unions are but passing phases of a better past; that in the evil present they had better get off the earth and clear the way for the “strike at the ballot box.”

CHAPTER VI.

1905-06. The Industrial Workers of the World is organized with the Western Federation of Miners and several other industrial unions as departments. It declares that all the workers must organize as a class, by industries in the shop, and by municipalities, states and nations at the ballot box. They must strike, says the I.W.W., at both places–strike for something to-day, for more to-morrow, and for the world, when sufficiently organized.

CHAPTER VII.

1906-10. A number of very active and revolutionary industrial unionists, becoming disgusted with the efforts of a Socialist political sect to control the I.W.W., and of another Socialist political element to keep erect the falling hopes of craft unionism, turn their backs on the “capitalist” ballot box.

CHAPTER VIII.

1910. “A shout is heard like thunder peal, Like dashing wave and clash of steel”- “WORKERS OF THE WORLD, UNITE.”

CHAPTER IX.

1910. Some things needful are found wanting. Among these, a socialist propaganda which teaches facts and a common desire on the part of socialists to work in harmony where agreement is possible.

“A” says that politics in the union has never gained anything, that the craft unions are alright, but that they would do better if they would teach the workers how to do more work and thus satisfy the employers and get higher pay for the membership. “B” says that the unions are getting the slippery end of the stick, that they had better go into politics on their own account and protect their funds which they have been so long in hoarding. “C” comes around to the union hall from a Socialist meeting and tells the fellows there that they had better adjourn. Socialism is the only solution of the labor problem. Vote for Socialism. People always get what they vote for. That’s the way Rockefeller and Morgan got theirs, you know. “D” is sometimes a trifle mean about it. He is said to fly off the handle and call the others hard names. All his fellow-workers think him to be somewhat of a nuisance. He has the audacity to ask that the same principles be adhered to at the ballot-box as in the union and vice-versa. If the workers are to fight the capitalists in the union why not on election day? If they are to organize as a class at the ballot-box, why not in the union? “E” simplifies matters. He declares that the capitalists themselves do not respect the ballot; that, if the workers are organized as a class by industries in the shops they will not need to register their will with pieces of paper; that, as force is the foundation of law, to conduct political arguments and fight political campaigns is to worship at the shrine of outworn superstitions. Thus the circle is made complete. To be sure, it is a circle of opponents nagging and kicking at each other, instead of brothers hand in hand.

THE BALLOT: WHAT IT CAN DO AND WHAT IT CANNOT DO.

For an example of all that is great and successful in the Socialist movement we are in the habit of pointing to Germany. Social and industrial Germany is distinguished by two facts. Its Socialist movement is much the largest of all the great nations. Its social reform legislation has been most far-reaching and effective. Of course, we need not be told that we have here simply cause and effect; but how has the effect been secured?

The social reforms which have bettered the condition of the German working class, stamped out the slums from the German cities, and kept the type from degeneracy, were adopted not by Socialists but against Socialists. In the war upon socialism, Bismarck and the heirs of Bismarck have made every effort to remove from themselves the stigma of utter carelessness as regards the working class. Thus the largest and most powerful Socialist party in the world has secured the most effective results without having ever written a law on the statute books, without controlling a single administrative or judicial office, without compromising the high, clear position of the great founders of the German movement. To me this is one of the two most significant facts in the history of International Socialism.

In how far is the experience applicable to America? To be sure, the peculiar form of organization and tactics of each national socialist party must spring from the peculiar industrial and political conditions of that nation. The history of America and conditions now facing the working class lead relentlessly to definite conclusions. These conclusions, in so far as they have to do with politics, I shall here state. The sources from which they are drawn cannot, of course, be here published.

Positively, a working class socialist party, through legislative, executive and judicial action, can be a powerful support to the labor union movement. It can prevent adverse legislation, use of police and military by and for the capitalists in strikes, and injunctions.

Negatively, it can force excellent reform legislation from capitalist-ruled municipalities, states, and the federal government.

Positively, it can be as great a revolutionary propaganda force as any class union, but in a different way. The union teaches practical organization and inspires the revolutionary spirit through class action. The party teaches, primarily, great principles, and inspires the revolutionary spirit through emphasizing the ideal.

The immediate demands of the workers must be shop demands. The step-at-a-time victories must be shop victories. These must lead ultimately to the working class government of the shop. Such essential victories to-day, to-morrow, and in the storm and stress of revolution, will be won by the revolutionary class union with the help of the party; not by the party with the help of the union.

The International Socialist Review (ISR) was published monthly in Chicago from 1900 until 1918 by Charles H. Kerr and critically loyal to the Socialist Party of America. It is one of the essential publications in U.S. left history. During the editorship of A.M. Simons it was largely theoretical and moderate. In 1908, Charles H. Kerr took over as editor with strong influence from Mary E Marcy. The magazine became the foremost proponent of the SP’s left wing growing to tens of thousands of subscribers. It remained revolutionary in outlook and anti-militarist during World War One. It liberally used photographs and images, with news, theory, arts and organizing in its pages. It articles, reports and essays are an invaluable record of the U.S. class struggle and the development of Marxism in the decades before the Soviet experience. It was closed down in government repression in 1918.

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/isr/v10n12-jun-1910-ISR-gog-EP-f-cov.pdf