Four years of activities of the 8000-member Norwegian Communist Party, including their relations with the Labour and Social Democratic Parties, internal factional struggles, union and peasant work, work among women, propaganda and publication. In the four years that had elapsed since the 5th Congress in 1924 and its 6th in 1928, the Comintern had changed enormously, both in terms of the ‘Bolshevization’ of the older parties, and with many new parties, particularly from the colonial and neo-colonial world joining. In anticipation of the 6th Congress, the Comintern published a volume with reports from its constituent members on their work the previous years.

‘Report of Norway’ from The Communist International Between the Fifth and the Sixth Congresses, 1924-28. Published by the Communist International, 1928.

THE ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL SITUATION

THE most prominent features of the economic development of Norway in the last few years are: the stabilisation of currency, the growing power of foreign capital, the increasing absorption of industry by the international trusts and the beginning of rationalisation.

The stabilisation of the currency was carried out under enormous difficulties and had a very detrimental effect on industry, agriculture, and particularly on fishing. The gold value of the internal debt which amounted to about 3.5 billion kronen in 1924, 1s now double that amount, and the interest on it has also doubled.

Of the public debt one third is chargeable to the State and two-thirds to the municipalities, which use 30-50 per cent. of their budgets for interest and repayments. Two hundred and forty-four municipalities now levy higher taxes than the legal maximum (20 per cent.), and several municipalities have been placed under State administration.

Foreign capital is dominant in the chemical industry (aluminium, saltpetre, dyes, etc.), the match industry, and to a considerable extent in the mining industry. The paper and celluloid industry belongs to a Swedo-Finnish Syndicate. Unemployment figures fluctuate between 20,000 and 40,000. In 1927 the number of unemployed workers was 25-30 per cent. of their total number; among those organised in trade unions–20-25 per cent. Wages have been reduced by about 30 per cent. in the last two years.

The keynote of home politics is: accentuated reaction (arbitration-court and penal legislation, control of the municipalities, repeal of Social Reforms.)

The Storthing elections in 1927 showed that the working class and also a section of the peasantry are beginning to desert the bourgeois camp. The parliamentary position created by the election results, as well as the desire of a section of the bourgeoisie to put the “governmental capacity” of the Norwegian Social Democracy to the test, led to the formation of a government of the Labour Party at the end of January, 1928. But this government existed only 12 days, for the power of finance capital caused its downfall. In regard to foreign politics a growing dependence on Great Britain is noticeable. This was particularly evident in the summer of 1927 when the Party and the Young Communist League distributed a manifesto among the British sailors inviting them to defend the Soviet Union and to resist intervention in China. At the instigation of the British Government, several leading comrades were arrested and domiciliary searches were made.

THE BOURGEOIS PARTIES

The three leading bourgeois parties in Norway are: the “Right Liberal Party,’’ the Peasant Party, and the Left Party (Venstre). Of a whole series of petty bourgeois parties (Christian and suchlike) only one, the radical people’s party, is represented in the Storthing by one deputy. The purely Fascist Party (National Legion) plays hardly any role for the time being.

The Conservative Party (Right Liberal) was the government party from 1921. It suffered a serious defeat in the elections of 1927. The Right group is the strongest in the party, and in the last elections the Liberals who represent Fascist tendencies, managed to get their leader, Thommesen, into the Storthing. The Party represents the big bourgeoisie and the urban industrialists.

The Liberal Party, “the Left,” has been retrogressing since 1912, when it had an absolute majority in the Storthing. It exercises considerable influence among peasants, small farmers, and the urban petty bourgeoisie.

The Peasant Party is the most reactionary party, and has the support of the peasantry. At the last elections it was the only bourgeois party which increased the number of its representatives in the Storthing. It was the first to include struggle against Communism into its programme; it also gave energetic support to anti-labour legislation.

THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY

The Norwegian Social Democratic Party belonged to the Second International till January, 1927; it disaffiliated from it at its fusion with the Centrist Norwegian Labour Party (Tranmaelite), but only provisionally in agreement with the Executive of the Second International. It had no particular influence on the workers. The fusion of the two parties as “Norwegian Labour Party” meant organisational consolidation but without a uniform ideological basis. In the Central Executive of the new amalgamated Labour Party, as well as in the local organisations, friction is continually taking place between the two wings. At the Unity Congress in January, 1927, these differences were noticeable, and even more so at the last Trade Union Congress (December, 1927), the purely Social Democratic tendency being able to increase its influence. However, there are strong tendencies in the ranks of the Party against Cabinet-Socialism and trade union reformism. These tendencies were expressed, for instance, in the collaboration between Communists and the Left tendency in the Labour Party at the recent Congress of the trade unions.

THE SITUATION IN THE TRADE UNIONS

The keynote of the situation in the trade union organisations was, and is still, struggle between revolutionary and reformist trade union policy. This struggle found vent in divergence of opinion concerning international relations and in the struggle for trade union unity. The Trade Union Congress in 1925 showed that the Norwegian working class will have nothing to do with Amsterdam. The efforts of the reformists to induce the Norwegian trade unions to affiliate to Amsterdam harmonised with the efforts of the Second International to bring the political labour movement in Norway under its leadership. The appearance of the Norwegian trade union leaders at the various trade union conferences which were directed against the reactionary trade union movement, but particularly against the trade union movement of the Soviet Union, means a decisive break with the decisions of the Congress of 1925.

At the Congress of 1927, at which the C.P.N. had 30 per cent. of the votes at its disposal, the question of international relations was the centre of the discussions. Ideologically, Communists together with Left elements dominated the Trade Union Congress. Nevertheless, reformists were victorious in the elections. The C.P.N. brought two representatives into the new Secretariat.

The results of the Congress show that the isolation of Communists in trade unions has come to an end. They are at the same time a proof of an orientation to the Left. In this respect the workers’ delegations to the Soviet Union were also of considerable importance.

At the Unity Conference of the Russian, Norwegian and Finnish national organisations, which took place in Copenhagen, February, 1928, an agreement for joint work with the Soviet trade unions was decided upon against the votes of the Norwegian and Finnish Amsterdamers, and resolutions to this effect were passed. Although the reformist majority of the Secretariat of the Norwegian national organisation is sabotaging the ratification of the Copenhagen agreement, an overwhelming majority of organised workers is for its endorsement.

THE ACTIVITY OF THE C.P. OF NORWAY

The Party split in 1923, when the fraction of the International left the Norwegian Labour Party and formed the Communist Party, was not a clean split between the revolutionary and the reformist wing. Reformist and vacillating elements (Halvard, Olsen, Olav Scheflé and others) also came into the Communist Party, and this considerably influenced the internal situation in the Party. At the Second Party Congress in May, 1925, the Party succeeded in overcoming trade union reformism in its ranks through the expulsion of Halvard Olsen, who is today a leader of the Norwegian Amsterdamers. Then came the struggle with Tranmael.

Tranmael’s slogan in 1926, “organisational union of the working class,” found an echo among the opportunist elements who had remained in the Party. With Scheflé, Monssen and Stoestad at the head, a fraction was organised in the Party for the purpose of amalgamating with the Norwegian Labour Party and the Norwegian Social Democratic Party. This compelled the Party to expel some of these elements. Not a single member followed them. Against this union on a Social Democratic basis the C.P. made an attempt to bring about a real class union, without much success however.

The reformist elements in the Party Executive, headed by Schefld, came gradually into collision with the Party because of their Social-Democratic orientation. This was particularly evident at the formation of the government in January, when the small reformist group headed by Scheflo openly supported the Social-Democratic Government. Events also took the Party Executive by surprise, and it was not able to react immediately and energetically to the “Labour Government” and to Scheflé’s support of it. But these shortcomings were soon remedied. As a result of this Schefle, Stand and Jeanette Olsen left the Party. By getting rid of the reformist ballast which was paralysing the executive, the Party was given a new lease of life. It made a clear stand and the whole Party rallied round it. It is now on the way to becoming a strong and healthy Party. The Students’ group, “Mot Dag,” which a few years ago was admitted to the Party on trial, has now left the Party (30-40 students), but continues to be in sympathy with it. Part of the intellectuals have remained in the Party and are now doing good Party work.

At the Parliamentary Elections in the autumn of 1927, when the Party did not put up candidates everywhere, the Communist Party polled 40,000 votes and secured three seats. This is a setback compared with the two previous elections. However, the subsequent successes of the Party in the trade unions show that the reduced poll at the elections has not weakened the trade union positions of the Party.

Apart from the election campaigns, the most important campaigns of the Party in the last two years were: in support of the British General Strike, against penal legislation (and the trade union legislation), against the war danger, and the campaign carried on in connection with the “Union Congress of the working class.”

At the elections to the Union Congress we secured 400 representatives on a free basis against 800 reformist representatives. The struggle of the Party for trade union unity was always linked up with any industrial struggle.

INDUSTRIAL WORK

The last two years brought many industrial struggles which, both in 1926 and 1927, affected the majority of organised workers. Employers demanded a 15 per cent. wage reduction, 2-years wage agreements to be regulated twice according to the index. The Party energetically took up the struggle against the demands of the employers. Although it was not possible to prevent the wage reduction altogether, one year wage agreements without index regulations were arrived at. Among the industrial struggles of the last two years the struggles of the agricultural labourers and foresters which were carried on for the right of association and for better wages and labour conditions deserve special mention. In these struggles also our comrades took a leading part. In connection with these struggles, a new feature was the participation of a section of the peasantry.

Fraction work in the trade unions is far from adequate. One must, however, admit that work in the trade unions before and during the last trade union congress was good. The formation of trade union fractions on a national scale is also progressing slowly but surely.

PROPAGANDA DEPARTMENT

The Agitprop has been very active, but its work has still many defects. Agitprop work is mainly limited to the centre, whereas local agitprop departments, with a few exceptions (Bergen, Drontheim), are doing nothing. Moreover, the work is certainly not systematic enough. One of the immediate tasks is the creation of a well-functioning apparatus.

In regard to the activity of the agitprop, special mention should be made of the organisation of a series of campaigns (anti-war, election, trade union unity campaigns, and others), and also the organisation of a series of courses which dealt with present political and trade union questions.

The Party has now five dailies with a circulation of 30,000, nucleus newspapers which are published once or twice a week, and about twenty factory newspapers. The newspapers are now controlled from the centre and are much better made up. The publishing department of the Party, which has to work under adverse financial conditions, has nevertheless published a considerable number of books and pamphlets of a theoretical, political and trade union character.

The Workers’ Correspondence Movement is not very developed. However, an improvement has taken place also in this sphere several newspapers have coordinated their worker correspondents.

WORK IN OTHER ORGANISATIONS

Work in Co-operatives, which have about 100,000 members and cater for about one-sixth of the population, has not been very great. In connection with the trade union struggles, the Party has advocated full utilisation of co-operatives during strikes. The Central Board of the cooperatives is decidedly Social-Democratic.

The Workers’ Sports Movement in Norway, which has greatly developed in the last few years, has now about 30,000 members. Our positions in the sports league are sb so strong that the Social-Democrats threaten to split the League.

The Second Party Conference in 1925 laid down the lines for our work among the working peasant population and among the agricultural labourers and foresters. At the initiative of our Party which was opposed by the reformists, the agricultural labourers’ and foresters’ union was organised in the summer of 1927. It has now already over 5,000 members and several of our comrades are on the executive.

The position of the small peasantry is very difficult. The Party has taken the initiative in the organisation of the small peasants for a joint struggle for debt reduction or for a two years’ moratorium. A series of municipal conferences were also organised, and on several occasions it has been possible to act jointly with the local organisations of the Norwegian Labour Party in spite of the opposition of the Social-Democratic leaders.

Also in regard to the fishermen, the Communist Party brought forward a series of demands to ease the hard lot of this class of workers; it has also taken steps towards the organisation of the fishermen for a defensive. There are prospects of successful work among peasants and fishermen.

Work Among Women. Very little has been done to capture women in industry and in the trade unions, the social composition of the women members being a great obstacle Although women constitute 19.7 per cent. of the 8,000 strong Party membership, 90 per cent. of them are housewives.

Communist work among women is limited to activity in the so-called Comrade Clubs, in Oslo and Bergen and in the Housewives’ League. It goes without saying that women workers in enterprises cannot be captured by this activity. Mostly owing to internal dissensions, the Party has not succeeded in starting women delegate meetings. Another obstacle in the way of work among women is the exit of the head of the women’s department in the C.P., Jeanette Olsen, from the Party. Since the International Women’s Day in 1926, the Party has been publishing a monthly women’s organ “Gnisten.”

In regard to organisation work, the C.P. of Norway has much to its credit during the report period. At the time of the Fifth Congress the C.P. of Norway had 7,000 members. By July 1, 1927, it had already 8,000. The registration carried out by the Party in the middle of 1927 has produced the following data on the social composition of 3,947 members: 59.9 per cent. manual workers, 12.4 per cent. agricultural labourers and foresters, 17.4 per cent. housewives, 4 per cent. artisans and 6.3 per cent. civil servants and intellectuals. The distribution of these 3,947 members in nuclei was as follows: 21 per cent. in factory nuclei, 19 per cent. in street nuclei, and 60 per cent. in local organisations. 52.8 of the registered 3,947 Party members belonged to trade unions. Of these 52.6 per cent.—13 per cent. (or every fifth member of the Party) held responsible posts in the trade union movement. One of the weak points in the organisation work of the C.P. of Norway was the inadequate work of district and local committees. The circulation of the Party press reached 26,000 by January, 1928 (the Party has 13 newspapers). The development of factory newspapers is inadequate. The C.C. mentions 14 factory newspapers with a circulation of 1,200. Asa rule factory newspapers are published very irregularly.

The Communist International Between the Fifth and the Sixth Congresses, 1924-28. Published by the Communist International, 1928.

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