In the twentieth letter to the U.S., Liebknecht recounts the story of another Paris insurrection, that of June 1848, also drowned in blood…only to see a new generation rise with the Commune twenty-three years later.

‘Letter from Leipzig, XX’ by Wilhelm Liebknecht from Workingman’s Advocate (Chicago). Vol. 7 Nos. 46 & 47. July 29 & August 5, 1871.

Leipzig, June 30, 1871.

To the Editor of the WORKINGMAN’S ADVOCATE:

Twenty-three years ago, in the last days of June, 1848, Paris offered a spectacle very similar to what it does now. For four days, from the noon of the 23rd to the evening of the 26th of June, a terrible battle had been raging between 40,000 workingmen, representing the new society, and between 200,000 soldiers of the line, gardes mobiles and bourgeois national guards, representing the old society of capital, privilege and class-government. It was not hastily and thoughtlessly; the proletarians had taken the resolution to appeal to the ultima ratio of physical force. The right of labor had been vouchsafed to them after the revolution of February in the famous decree of February the 25th:

“The provisional government of the French Republic pledges itself to guarantee the existence of the workingmen, by means of work. It pledges itself to procure work for all citizens. It recognizes the right of the workingmen to form associations, in order to secure for themselves the legitimate produce of their work.” The decree was certainly not worded in such precise language as a document of like importance ought to have been, and the expression “legitimate produce of their work” shows that the writer, Louis Blanc, did not dare officially to acknowledge that the workingmen are entitled to the whole produce of their work; but one point in this decree is clear beyond any doubt; the government of the Republic was pledged to take the solution of the social question earnestly in hand and to provide for the welfare of the workingmen. The promise was given: how was it kept? We allow you three months for the payment of the bill; so long we shall suffer patiently the pangs of hunger; but we are determined not to be deceived again. We fought the battle of the bourgeoisie in 1830. And what did we get? We have founded the present Republic–this time we shall not be cheated–thus the workingmen of Paris spoke to the government of the Republic. They kept their promise–patiently they waited three months, and when the time agreed was over, they granted another month. Far different was the behavior of the government and other authorities. Instead of founding a ministry of labor, that was to devise practical measures, the talking assembly of the Luxembourg was opened, which had no power whatever. Instead of organizing the cooperative societies and assisting them with State credit–a miserable caricature of socialism, the “Ateliers Nationaux” (national workshops) were set up, in which the unemployed workingmen were occupied either in useless work or in work totally unfit for them and spoiling them for their proper vocation.

At the head of the Ateliers Nationaux, Mr. Clement Thomas was placed, an honnête Republican, one of the national school–an enemy of socialism and especially of Louis Blanc. His aim was to gain the workmen under his command over to the bourgeoisie, and to use them one day against their brethren, the socialistic workmen. However, this plan proved impractical; socialistic ideas found entrance into the national workshops, and the enemy of workmen destined to fight the battles of the bourgeoisie, was trained to fight the battle of the proletarians. As soon as the government discovered its mistake, the abolition of the national workshops was decided upon.

In the meantime, on the 4th of May, the newly elected National Assembly had met. It was composed in its immense majority of enemies of socialism. Il faut en finir? An end must be made became the regular watchword, and those that were loudest and fiercest in denouncing the workmen were the honnêtes Republicans; the Marrast, Marie, Bastide, etc. On the 25th of May Clement Thomas was dismissed as a preliminary step to dissolving the Ateliers Nationaux, and a commission of inquiry was instituted. Mark the date! Just three months ago February the 25th–the promissory bill had been drawn–the day for payment had come–and instead of paying, the bourgeoisie announced its intention to dishonor the bill. In vain the workingmen protested against this scandalous breach of trust. In vain they pointed out the fearful consequences that must ensue. The National Assembly continued its course of provocation.

The workingmen waited, and hoped against hope that somehow a catastrophe might yet be avoided. At last on the 21st of June, the gauntlet was openly thrown to them by their adversaries. On this day, by a characteristic accident on the same day the proposed new constitution was published, the second paragraph of which says: “the constitution guarantees work to all citizens,” on this same day from the National Assembly there issued a decree dissolving the Ateliers Nationaux, and giving the inmates–108,000 men the choice of either enlisting in the army or going into the unwholesome swamps of the Bologne for draining works. No doubt anymore; the bill of February the 20th was dishonored.

Still the proletarians could not believe that the bourgeoisie irrevocably determined to strike them down by military power. A deputation went to Mr. Marie in the Luxembourg Palace, to protest against the shameful measure. Mr. Marie (honnête republican of the National!) received them frowningly, and when one of the delegates began to speak he interrupted him. “It’s no use talking further; the decree will be executed–if need be by force.” “Enough!” was the answer; “we know now what you want and what we have to do.” The gauntlet was taken up. This was on the 22nd of June. In the evening a meeting was held near the Pantheon: à demain! (for tomorrow!). The morning of the following day saw a procession of several thousand workingmen marching four abreast from the Pantheon to the Bastille place, singing the hymn of the Marseillaise, and the Mourir pour la Patrie! (To die for our country!) They walked round the column of July, where they inspired themselves with the great traditions of the revolutionary past; then, a sudden halt! “You know your duty! To arms!” And the procession dispersed; every one went to his place, and in a few hours three-quarters of Paris was covered with barricades.

Still there was a chance of avoiding bloodshed. The workmen would not strike the first blow. One generous word spoken by the National Assembly, and all could be set right yet. The word was not spoken. On the contrary an infamous pamphlet called a proclamation was framed, denouncing the workmen as a set of plunderers and a horde of barbarians!

This shameful document was handed over the barricades to the workingmen. An outburst of unspeakable indignation followed. “No possibility of dealing with our slanderers! Fight to the last breath! Death or victory!” The Tricolor, that until now had crowned the barricades, suddenly disappeared, and instead there rose the Red Flag, the oriflamme, the battle standard of the Proletarians. Of the heroic struggle that ensued no word here. The workmen were at last overwhelmed by numbers, 3,000 were slain in battle, 8,000 prisoners were shot during and after the battle, 12,000 prisoners were transported to Cayenne and Lambessda. The victory of the Bourgeoisie was complete, and the victory was made good use of. The conquered were slandered systematically, in order to make their memory hateful to the growing up generation; a military dictature was erected, which soon developed itself into the empire; the streets of Paris were enlarged, the pavement in many streets and places was removed, and macadam introduced, being less liable to be turned into barricades; the press was methodically employed to stupify and corrupt the public mind, and to draw it from socialistic aspirations. For the same purpose wars and other spectacles were arranged–in short, all that possibly could be done to avoid a new outbreak was done. And the result?

Before twenty-three years had passed the Paris workmen gave the world a second and greatly enlarged edition of the battles of June.

They have been conquered again–the same cruelties, the same slanders, the same shortsightedness of the victorious bourgeoisie, which like the ancient Bourbons, has learned nothing, and forgotten nothing. And so we are to move on in the old cercle vicieux (vicious circle). Socialism is to be stamped out, is to be buried deep under the ground–militarism will have its orgies–strong government (whether royalistic, imperial or republican)–the name signifies nothing–will take again every possible precaution against a third outbreak, and in five years or in ten years, or maybe in twenty years, the grave will open and socialism will step forth anew, healed from the wounds, stronger than before. The battle will rage anew, and either socialism will conquer finally, or it will succumb once more, and be buried once more, for another resurrection. And so on, until the victory is won over the old society. Won it will be; it must be one day, for socialism, that is the new society, gets stronger every day, while the old society gets weaker in the same ratio. Have you no eyes to see, you adversaries of socialism? Must mankind wade through blood to its emancipation.

A telegram from Breslau (in Silesia) brings the unexpected news that in Königshütte–a royal Prussian iron work–in consequence of a strike having taken place, soldiers were sent for and a massacre began which cost six workmen their lives, besides many wounded. Most likely the butchery was much greater, since a state of siege has been proclaimed. We must wait for further information. However, so much is sure, that another great crime has been committed by the representatives of the old society.

The Chicago Workingman’s Advocate in 1864 by the Chicago Typographical Union during a strike against the Chicago Times. An essential publication in the history of the U.S. workers’ movement, the Advocate though editor Andrew Cameron became the voice National Labor Union after the Civil War. It’s pages were often the first place the work of Marx, Engels, and the International were printed in English in the U.S. It lasted through 1874 with the demise of the N.L.U.

PDF of issue 1: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn89077510/1871-07-29/ed-1/seq-1/

PDF of issue 2: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn89077510/1871-08-05/ed-1/seq-1/