An important document of early U.S. Communism, the Comintern remarks on the differences and debates between the newly-formed Communist and Communist Labor Parties, urging them to unite.

‘The Communist International to the American Comrades’ from Communist International. Vol. 1 No. 11-12. June-July 1920.

To the Central Committees of the American Communist Party and the American Communist Labor Party.

From the editor: In spite of the fury of the American Imperialists, who arrest five thousand Communists in one day, the Communist movement in America grows rapidly. Owing to dissensions which have arisen, two Communist Parties have been temporarily organized. Both parties delegated their representatives to the Executive Committee. After a careful discussion of the reports of both comrades, the Executive Committee issued the following letter to the American comrades:

By the reports of the comrades who have come from America and represent both currents of American Communism, the Executive Committee has been able to acquaint itself with the dissensions between the American comrades dissensions, which have led to an open rupture and to the formation of two Communist parties. The question was discussed at an enlarged meeting of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, at which assisted, beside the members of the Executive Committee, also the representatives of both parties of America and of the Communist organizations of France, Switzerland, Hungary, Finland and Yugo-Slavia. As a result the Executive Committee of the Communist International came to the following conclusions:

The rupture is very harmful to the Communist movement in America. It causes a dispersal of revolutionary forces and an unjustified waste of energy on interna! struggle. And this at a time when the concentration of the forces of the American bourgeoisie has reached incredible dimensions, when the class struggle grows more and more acute every day, demanding colossal sacrifices on the part of every conscient worker; and at a time when, in connection with the steady growth of the world revolution, the greatest possibilities and most brilliant perspectives present themselves to the working class in America.

A careful consideration of the material of both sides has convinced us that there is no serious difference in principle between the two parties. There are certain disagreements on questions of organization. There have been disagreements in several discussions concerning the proper method of breaking with the old Socialist Party.

Nothing more. Under such conditions the rupture cannot be justified, and must be healed at any price. Since both parties stand on the platform of the Communist International–and we have no reason to doubt this–the unity of the Communists is not only possible, but absolutely necessary. The Executive Committee categorically insists on such unity.

The necessity of immediate reunion is imperatively dictated by one more circumstance. The two Parties represent different sides of the Communist movement in America, which can well complement each other. In one party (the American Communist Party) are chiefly foreign elements, united in the so-called language federations”. The other (the American Communist Labor Party) represents chiefly English-speaking elements. If the first are often better trained theoretically and more closely connected with the Russian working-class traditions of revolutionary struggle, they are at the same time less connected with the labour as movement a whole, with the general organizations of American workmen gradually moving out on the wide road of class struggle. If the second group have not yet gone through such a theoretical school, they have on the other side the great advantage that through them the Communists can influence much more easily the real American workmen, who in the forthcoming decisive class battles will play the principal part. In the one propaganda is better, in the other, agitation. In such a way both Parties naturally complete one another. And it is only by their reunion that the foundation of a strong Communist Party, which would stand at the head of a general movement and of the approaching Communist Revolution, is possible in America. For the purpose of more rapidly achieving unity, the Executive Committee of the Communist International proposes to both parties to call immediately a general Congress, the decisions of which must become obligatory for both sides. For the preparation and calling of the Congress, as well as for the coordination of the work of both Parties before a complete unity takes place, must be formed an organization committee composed of an equal number of representatives of both Parties. For the foundation of the united Party the principles laid down in the platform of the Communist International and in the decisions of the Executive Committee of the Communist International must be adopted. Besides this, the Executive Committee wishes to point out the following:

1. The Communist Party must strive to obtain the unity of all elements acknowledging the necessity of a rapid conquest of power and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Of course this acknowledgement must not be in mere words and purely theoretical. It must be expressed in action, and bind everyone who cares to be a member of the party to an unlimited struggle for the overthrow of the bourgeois power and establishment of the power of the working class.

On these conditions, with the agreement on the chief points, the dissensions on other questions are not essential: for instance on the question of availing oneself of parliamentarian and other legal possibilities, on the adoption of one or another means of struggle, on the different forms of organization, etc. Such disagreements are inevitable in all countries where one has to build a Communist Party out of elements with various political pasts (Left Socialists, those who have split from old Parties, Non-Party members, those who pass to the point of view of gradual class struggle, Anarchists and Syndicalists acknowledging the necessity of the seizure of the power and the dictatorship of the proletariat, and others). To split on account of these disagreements, which have now, in this period of direct revolutionary struggle for power, only a secondary importance, cannot be admitted. The only thing which the Party may rightfully demand from every organization and from every separate member, is an absolute discipline, an unreserved submission of the minority to the majority. If before the acceptation of any decision by the Party, discussion of the question from all sides is necessary and free criticism desirable, nevertheless. when an authoritative decision of the Party has been taken all members of the Party and among them those who do not agree with it, must carry it out without reserve. On one side, a large tolerance to all dissenters in the period of discussion; on the other, an iron discipline in the fulfilment of the decisions of the Party. Such are the elementary conditions without which the formation of a strong Party of the proletarian revolution is impossible.

2. A complete rupture with the past and the Socialist parties (S.P. and S.L.P.) is, of course, the essential condition for the formation of a Communist Party in America. This does not mean, however, that separate comrades, as well as whole organizations belonging formerly to the old Parties, may not be admitted into the Communist Party, so far as they have completely adopted the point of view of successive class struggle and dictatorship of the proletariat. The Communist Party must be an all-embracing organization not a narrow, closed circle. Separation from non-Communist elements must be understood in the sense of isolation from the inveterate Social traitor elements and elements of the “center” from the old Parties; but in no case in the sense of a sectarian rejection of workmen, who previously belonged to old Parties and have now broken with them altogether.

The door of the Communist Party must be wide open for the proletarians even for those who have not yet acquired all the details of the Communist theory, but are sincerely devoted to the cause of the proletarian revolution and are conducting a struggle against the supremacy of the bourgeoisie. The Communist Party will be for them the best school of Communism.

3. Up to now the American Socialists of the left Wing have directed their attention chiefly to propaganda, and in this direction they have effected very important work. But closing themselves up in a more or less narrow circle of adherents, they stood to one side of the actual class struggle of the proletarians, which flowed in broad torrents all over the country.

In any case, they did not play the leading part in the most serious collisions between labour and capital. One must remember that now comes the period of decisive battles. By gathering in one organization all the most active elements of the working class, and developing the broadest general agitation and propagation of the ideas of Communism, the Communist Party must, besides this, aim at being the leaders of the class struggle of the proletariat in all its various manifestations, beginning with partial economic strikes, demonstrations, general meetings, electoral campaigns, and ending with a general political strike and an armed revolt of the proletariat. The drawing of broad proletarian masses into the current of the revolutionary class struggle–such is the chief task of American Communists at present.

Aiding by all means the more rapid process of rupture in the American Federation of Labour, and other allied Trade Unions and their branches, the Party must strive to establish a closer connection with those economic organizations of the working class, in which one can

notice tendencies toward industrial unionism I.W.W., One Big Union, W.I.L.U. and insurgent unions breaking away from the A.F. of L.). The party must work in close contact with them striving at the same time for their union and the formation of strong economic organizations of the proletariats imbued with class comprehension. Supporting by all means the industrial unions in their daily struggle for direct economic demands the party must strive to fathom and spread this struggle, to transform it into a struggle for the final revolutionary aims of the proletariat the overthrow of the bourgeoisie and extermination of capitalism.

5. The party must by all means support education at factories, hand in hand with party communist centres, factory workmen’s committees, which could serve on one side as a basis in the daily economic struggle, on the other side as a school preparing the vanguard of the labour class for administrating the industry at the realisation of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Of course, these committees must work in complete contact with the organizations of industrial unionism.

6. The party must not be an conglomeration of independent, autonomous “national federations”. National federations have played a serious historical part in the social movement of America, (a lengthy systematic opposition to old parties, the formation of the League of Social Propaganda, the organisation of the “Left Wing” but in future, owing to the rapid growing of the class struggle and huge complication of problems standing in front of the American proletariat. National federations will be capable of fulfilling their part only in case they join closely the brotherly organisations of American workmen. A sharp break in the historically produced organising lines is certainly undesirable, for it would lead to a complete extermination of “national federations” this indefatigable preacher of communist ideas in America. Therefore the Executive Committee of the Communist International points out that at the realisation of the named problems–that is complete organisatory unity of national federations with the other parts of American communism, a great cautiousness and successiveness must be observed. National federations can keep their autonomy in the matter of propaganda in the corresponding foreign languages. But in the political and economic struggle they must be submitted to the guidance of the party. In the period of acute struggle the use of the general vote (referendum) inside the party must be brought to a minimum and in any case questions, demanding a rapid decision cannot be subjected to a referendum. In the intervals between the Congresses the entire power must belong to the Executive Committee.

7. The growing persecutions against the communists in America rouse the question of illegal work. The Congress of the Communist International in March 1919 expressed itself very clearly on that account. Illegal work is necessary, for the bourgeois “democracies” in all the world create actually a situation of martial law for the workmen communists 2-3 years ago the very thought of illegal work in such a “free” country as England, seemed absurd to our British comrades. And now the British revolutionary workmen have learnt to effect illegal work also.

The same takes place in Germany where Social Democratic executioners, Noske, Scheidemann & Co attempt to drive the powerful communist movement of German workmen to illegal conditions. One must learn to marry legal work with illegal work. One must avail oneself of every of legal possibility. But at the same time one must learn to publish leaflets illegally, gather illegal meetings, or when it is necessary factory-works committees, have an illegal guiding centre, etc.

The Executive Committee of the Communist International is certain that you will manage the responsible problems, comrades, which are placed in front of you. The victory of the international proletariat depends on the success of communism in America. With communist greetings,

The Executive Committee of the Communist International.

The ECCI published the magazine ‘Communist International’ edited by Zinoviev and Karl Radek from 1919 until 1926 irregularly in German, French, Russian, and English. Restarting in 1927 until 1934. Unlike, Inprecorr, CI contained long-form articles by the leading figures of the International as well as proceedings, statements, and notices of the Comintern. No complete run of Communist International is available in English. Both were largely published outside of Soviet territory, with Communist International printed in London, to facilitate distribution and both were major contributors to the Communist press in the U.S. Communist International and Inprecorr are an invaluable English-language source on the history of the Communist International and its sections.

PDF pf full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/international/comintern/ci/old_series/v01-n11-n12-1920-CI-grn-goog-r3.pdf