Report to the Fourth Comintern Congress on the development of Young Communist International by its Secretary, the Austrian-born Richard Schüller.

‘Report on the Youth Movement’ by Richard Schüller from International Press Correspondence. Vol. 3 No. 2. January 5, 1923.

Comrades, the Communist International has regarded the question of Communist work among the masses of the working Youth and the situation of the Youth International as important enough to be placed on the agenda of this Congress of the Communist International.

The Second World Congress of the Communist Youth International achieved a certain amount of renown among friends and enemies, which it has well merited. This Congress brought with it a radical transformation in the activity of the Communist Youth. You know, that during the war when the Social Democrats went over openly into the ranks of the reformists, the Communist Youth were the first to pick up the banner of the class struggle, the first to declare war against war and to struggle for the social revolution. You also know that the Youth were the first to renew International organisation and have become the enthusiastic supporters and defenders of the Russian revolution and the Third International. In that period a definite type of Socialist–we may just as well say Communist–Youth movement was created as the political vanguard of the proletariat. It was the time when Communist Parties either did not exist or were very weak, and then the Communist Youth assumed a leading political role in the working class movement.

The Second World Congress of the Communist Youth International opened a new era in the activity of the Youth. Communist Parties have been created, and the Communist International has become a strong International organisation. The leading political role of the Communist Youth was no longer necessary, and they had to surrender the political leadership to the Communist Parties. This first important point was decided at the Second World Congress of the Communist Youth International.

Politics was to remain the fundamental, practical basis of the activity of the youth organizations which were to remain the heart of the Communist Youth movement, but they could now devote themselves to their proper tasks, concerned directly with the Youth. The most important of these tasks are: 1. To defend the economic needs of the Youth; 2. To educate the Youth systematically in the Marxian doctrine; 3. To carry on anti-militarist propaganda among the young workers in and outside the bourgeois armies.

In general, we may say that the political activity of our Communist Youth was wise and healthy. In a great many countries, we scored a great many political successes along the line prescribed by the Communist International. It was due to the activities of the Communist Youth in France, for instance, that the left Wing grew to such importance and that the slogans of the Communist Youth international gained firmer footing among the workers of France. The Communist Youth of Italy has been able to adapt its political activities to the conditions created by the reaction of Fascism.

As another example, I must mention the communist youth movement in Norway, which during the last year has carried on its activity in complete agreement with us, because the conditions in the Norwegian Party demanded it. A few differences of opinion arose recently, but they were only over minor questions, and on the whole the recent political activity was fairly healthy.

The Y.C. Leagues have made great strides on the economic field. I should like to draw your attention to the fact that the question of the economic struggle viz. of the struggle for the immediate needs of the working class youth, was a very contentious question at the Second, as well as the Third Congress after these congresses. This task was something new for the of the C.I., and that it was the subject of lively discussion even masses of the Y.C. Leagues, excepting of course Russia, Austria, and Germany. However, we are justified in saying today that the necessity for the economic struggle through the Y.C. Leagues, has not only been recognised by all our organizations, but that a beginning has already been made to put this recognition to a practical use. Today the economic question and the economic struggle of the working class youth are everywhere the centre of the interest and the activity of our Y.C. Leagues. Moreover, definite steps have already been taken towards arousing the interest of the working class as a whole in this question of the struggle for the young workers’ demands. If we study the Young Communist press of today, and compare it with the Y.C. press previous to the Second Congress, we notice that our papers reflect the daily life of the working class youth in the industries and among the artisans, the peasants and small landowners, and that they abound with news and articles concerning the exploitation of the working class youth. We also notice that owing to the conditions which I have just described, the Y.C Leagues have brought forward demands for which they are ready to stand up by word and deed. They have also begun to be active in the trade unions, which will soon lead to a systematic agitation within these organizations. We notice that an extensive propaganda for definite and concrete demands is being initiated in almost all countries. Finally, we see that the Y.C. Leagues in Germany, Austria, Czecho-Slovakia and Denmark are becoming real militant organizations fighting against the State and have already conducted and been partly successful in actions for some of the demands of the working class youth.

Comrades, I must deal now with our anti-militarist work. This work has remained the same in the various Y.C. Leagues. As before, this work was conducted with great enthusiasm, and our young comrades have their press and continue their anti-militarist campaign. This work has exacted many sacrifices and victims. It is only in Central Europe that we must admit a lessening in the interest for the anti-militarist question, and a decreased activity on this field. This is as grave a feature as the slackening of the interest in politics in general, which we must combat by the same methods.

A beginning has also been made on the field of education. However, we soon saw that we could not do as much on this field as on the economic and trade union field, because the educational work demands forces which we ought to get from the parties, but which were not forthcoming. Many improvements were also made in the work of organization. Let us take, for instance the Y.C. Leagues in France and Great Britain, which, like the parties had a federalist basis. In those countries we were successful in establishing centralised collaboration within the organization. A division of labour was introduced, and we were successful in achieving increased individual activity of the members, as well as centralization. We have also made progress on the international field. The collaboration between the Executive Committee of the Young Communist International and the Leagues is today as close as that between the Central Committee of a League and its districts and groups.

You know that the young workers have to experience the same hardships as the grown-ups under the capitalist offensive, such as wage reductions, long working hours, unemployment and exploitation. But these events have taken even worse forms in regard to the Youth than in regard to the adult workers; for they have to undergo some special hardships, which I am not going to enumerate here in detail. Speaking of the economic position of the young workers, one has only to refer to the statement made by the Enlarged Executive of the Comintern nine months ago; “The economic position of the working youth under the present circumstances of the period of collapse of capitalism, must be studied in all earnestness by the working class as a whole. The working youth are confronted with the menace of physical and moral impoverishment”.

This fact, stated by the Communist International 9 months ago, has not changed during the nine months that have followed, and it became even much worse.

During the same period the campaign of the reaction against our Young Communist Movement has become more acute. We witness a systematic reactionary attack in all countries directed against the Young Communist Movement. For instance, we have to register persecutions of the Young Communist Movement in France, Poland, Italy, Germany, Austria, Hungary, and Czecho-Slovakia. In France and in Czecho-Slovakia the Young Communist organizations were dissolved by the authorities on account of their anti-militarist propaganda, while the Party carries on its activities quite legally.

The menace of militarism, in the first place hits the working youth, because they have to furnish the cannon fodder for the bourgeois States. Tens of thousands of young English workers joined the army, tens of thousands in Morocco, in Asia and Africa, in all parts of the world, were forcibly taken to the front.

We thus see that the position of the young workers has grown worse everywhere, but we must emphasise another fact of importance, namely that the young workers are used as a lever to bring down the standard of living of the adult workers. The wages of the young workers are the first to be reduced, thus paving the way for a reduction of the wages of the adult workers. Reports of this kind will be found in abundance in the young workers’ journals. The young workers are made to work longer hours than the adults, in order to use this as a means of compelling the adults to work longer hours. An example may be seen in Germany. The time spent in the continuation school was hitherto counted in Germany as part of the eight-hour day. The Government did not dare to abolish the eight hour day for the adult workers. But it adopted a law which excludes the time spent on education from figuring in the working time. It further makes it permissible for the apprentices to work an extra hour in sweeping up the shop. It means nothing less than raising the working day at least to nine hours per day. Similar examples may be found in all countries. It is a means of pressing down the condition of the adult workers. Let us take a practical instance. When the young workers are made to work 10 hours in a given industry, one would not expect the adult workers would be allowed to work shorter hours, and this is what actually happens, i.e. the long hours of the young workers are followed by similar hours for the adults.

The Young Communist International was the first to take up the slogan of the fight against the capitalist offensive, and of the United Front between the Youth and the adult workers. It was a slogan adopted and carried out both in the national and international campaigns.

What do we find in the Social Democratic international of youth? We see the same comedy that was played by the 2nd International in the questions of the Youth. True to the example of the Amsterdam trade unionist bureaucracy and its parties, they give no heed to the misery of the working youth, nor to reaction and militarism. Where the young workers develop their action and fighting, we have seen the Young Social-Democratic International anxious to stifle the struggle. They do everything to dissuade the young workers from fighting. The Young Communist International proposed to the Amsterdam Young Workers International and to the Vienna Young Socialist International to meet at a world congress to join the forces of the young workers with that of the adult workers against the capitalist offensive. But the socialist Youth Internationals, who before our invitation had asserted their eagerness for a world congress of Youth, pretending that we were the only obstacle, revealed, themselves in their true colours when they declined to come even to a preliminary conference to discuss the question of organising a world Congress. On the other hand, in company with the Amsterdam trade union leaders, they drew up a programme of so-called demands, that are of such a trifling character that they could not at all be taken seriously. Instead of calling the working youth to the United Front with the adult workers, they carried out their manoeuvre of amalgamation. Now we stand before the amalgamation of the 2 1/2 Youth International and the Workers Youth International, i.e. before the final capitulation of the centralist Eunuchs of the 2nd International.

We now come to a chapter which is of particular importance, namely the movement of the young workers themselves. We have examples where the young workers have taken militant action in spite of the dictates of the social-democratic trade unions and the social-democratic youth organisations, and unfortunately also without our direct impulse. We have such an example in the English Engineers’ Strike. The trade unions forbade the ap prentices to strike. The apprentices, mind you in a place where there was and is no youth movement, spontaneously met and declared: “No, we wont remain at work, we will strike!”

We have another example in Germany, where there was a spontaneous strike at Hamburg of about 1,000 apprentices and young workers at the wharves fighting for a wage increase, and who maintained their strike 5 to 6 days in spite of the sabotage of the trade union leaders. Other examples of spontaneous strike movements we find at Munich, Mannheim, etc. We also learn that in a city in Austria 400 young workers went on strike because they were not consulted in concluding a wage agreement. Thus we see the growing militancy on the part of the young workers, which throws itself spontaneously into the battle of defence against the capitalist offensive.

This phenomenon should cause us to ponder. What conclusions are we to draw? The first conclusion is the one that I have pointed out, namely that the young workers today are anxious to take part in the struggle of the adult workers and in the struggle against the impoverishment of the young workers.

Secondly, we should draw the conclusion that the adult working class organisations do not protect the interests of the young workers, and the young workers are no longer willing to wait until their demands will finally be taken care of. When I say that the working class organisations do not protect the interests of the young workers, I speak not only of the Trade Unions and the social democratic party, but also of the party and of the Young Communist organisation. We should cherish no illusions on that score. The comrades in Germany who have taken part in these movements are well aware of the fact that the movements were in existence before the young communists came to take active part in them; that they were spontaneous movements without a direct initiative of the Communist International, and it was only later that they came under the leadership of the Communist International. These movements were not called into being by our organisations, but sprang up spontaneously. It is clear that the young workers will not wait any longer for someone to take care of their interests. This fact has its good and bad side. Its good side is that it shows that the young workers are willing to fight, that they are eager to take their place in the revolutionary struggle. But it should cause us to think, because it shows that even the Communist organisations, the communist trade unions, etc., have hitherto failed to carry on active work among the young workers, and if they continue to do so, there is bound to be an estrangement between our organisations and the young workers. On the other hand if the Communist International will take a hand in this movement of the young workers, as has been the aim of the German Communist League, then our influence among the masses of the young workers will be assured.

It is clear that a strike of young workers will be useless and fruitless if unsupported by the adult workers, if not backed by the trade unions. by the trade unions. I must say that in these local and spontaneous movements of the young workers we recently met with the sad experiences of some adult workers actually taking part as strike breakers, because while the wages of the apprentices were ridiculously low, those of the adults were increased. The apprentices were getting 1,000 marks and the adults 4,500 marks. The proprietors of the wharves had declared that if the adult workers would not do the work of the striking youths and at the same wages as the youths, then they would also be locked out. The same has been observed in other places. What did the adult workers do in such cases? They acted as strike breakers, and not even at the higher wages, but at the miserable pittance of the young workers. This fact causes us misgivings, showing the wide cleavage between the masses of the young workers and the masses of the adult workers.

It shows how capitalism has succeeded in causing enmity between the two groups of the working class.

Therefore, the Communist International must make a clear statement on this question, and it is ready to do so. It declares that the united front of the young and the adult workers for a common struggle against capitalism and reaction is an absolute necessity, and calls upon all its parties and the entire working class to stand up for the interests and demands of the working class youth as well as for their own and to make them the subject of their daily struggle. And we know that when the Communist International sends forth such a call to all its members, to the adult workers, when it adopts such a resolution that it is not mere lip service, but that it is actually determined to put this decision into practice and to pledge all its organisations to take cognizance of the importance of this question and put this decision and these principles into daily practice. The Communist International must not allow them to become indifferent. On the contrary, it must do its utmost to bring the young workers into its camp. The capitalist offensive and reaction must break down before the determined resistance of the entire revolutionary working class. If we know today how to represent the interest of the young workers and to bring them over to our side, we shall get access to them and will be able to actually organise their wide masses within the Communist International. There is the practical side to the entire question of the struggle in the interests of the young workers. It is the practical collaboration between the young communists and the Communist Party. Generally speaking, the practical collaboration between the Communist Party and the Young Communists have greatly improved during this year. Nevertheless, we must not relax in our mutual efforts to attain the ends which to us is both a necessary ideal and a practical demand. I will adduce one illustration in connection with this question. We had a very protracted discussion in Czecho-Slovakia with the Party officials as to whether the existence of the Young Communist League was a necessity or not. Many leading Party members adopted an attitude which practically meant that the Young Communists Leagues were not needed, that it was sufficient to have a Party. Trade Unions, and Sport organisations, could be entrusted with the training and organisation of their young members. Such an attitude is a Such an attitude is a complete misunderstanding of the tasks of the Young Communist League as an organisation which is to attract the wide masses of the working class youth and to give them a communist political training. We succeeded in converting these comrades to our point of view. But, though we have overcome this difficulty formally, it does not follow that the same view no longer exists within the Party.

We had to work hard in Great Britain before we were able to persuade the Communist Party of the necessity of bringing into being a proletarian young peoples movement, and it was only after a struggle lasting for several months that the Party Congress endorsed this idea.

It must also say a few words about the anti-militarist campaign. This is still a sore point with most of our parties. On this field we must have more mutual understanding than before, because the present situation is such that this struggle must not be left entirely to the Young Communist Leagues. It is absolutely necessary that the parties intensify the struggle. Closer cooperation is an absolute necessity.

We also make several proposals in our resolution in connection with educational work, to the effect that the Party should support the educational work of the Y.C. Leagues by supplying them with educational resources, with seats in the Party the Party schools, etc.

In connection with this, I must say a few words about the Party press. I am able to report a considerable improvement in the party press in connection with the treatment of young peoples questions, as most of the papers are paying much more attention to these questions than heretofore. Germany is no doubt the focus of the economic struggle of the young workers. And yet it happened in Germany that a newspaper editors conference arrived at the decision to stop all young peoples’ supplements in the entire German Communist press. We have been told that the Berlin “Rote Fahne” is very loth to accept articles on young peoples’ questions, and that it is almost impossible to get anything in that line accepted by the “Rote Fahne”. The young peoples supplement cannot get any permanent foothold in that paper. Long was the struggle on this score, the political bureau said “yes”, and the editors said no. It is a regrettable fact that in a country like Germany so little is being done for the Young Communist agitation in the central organ of the Party. Neither has the central organ in Czecho-Slovakia a young peoples supplement, nor was it possible to get a single article about the organisation of the youth workers into the British press. Even an article on the formation of the Y.C. League was rejected. It is even more difficult to get something about the Y.C. movement in “Humanité” than in the “Rote Fahne”. Thus, there is room for improvement in that direction.

In conclusion, I must touch upon the question of the organisation of the children’s groups. This movement has been firmly established in the course of this year in many countries and the Parties are beginning to take an interest in this work. This interest is very welcome, and we should insist that the Parties should not encourage the tendency of a vague general education for working class children, that they should throw overboard the bourgeois nonsense of a general rational education, and that they should insist on a purely communist education for the children. It must not happen as in France that a magazine like “Les Petits Bons Homme”, which is published by a petty-bourgeois intellectual group, is circulated within the Organisation, while this is not done for the communist magazine. The Czecho-Slovakian C.P. has also tolerated that its organisations published and circulated a colourless little paper in opposition to the communist children’s magazine. The work of the Y.C. Leagues in connection with the children’s groups’ movement must be better supported, and the tendencies for a bourgeois education must be overcome. Comrades, it is of course impossible to deal here in detail with all the questions of practical cooperation between the Party and the Y.C. Leagues. We trust that the resolution will meet with your approval and will be put to practical application.

Three years have passed since the Communist Youth International was formed in Berlin. We met in a small smoky backroom of a suburban inn, forced to underground methods by the Noske reaction. Since that time the Communist Youth International has grown tremendously; its membership has been nearly quadrupled, it has grown in strength, definiteness of purpose, and determination. We hope that the Communist International and the Communist Youth will be able to penetrate the ranks of the working Youth, to arouse it to action, and replenish the Communist Movement with powerful fighting troops. And we hope that we will be able to prove to you at the next Congress that the Communist Youth International, assisted by the Comintern, has fought for the interests of the masses of the young workers, has drawn them into the struggles of the adult workers and won them over to Communism.

International Press Correspondence, widely known as”Inprecorr” was published by the Executive Committee of the Communist International (ECCI) regularly in German and English, occasionally in many other languages, beginning in 1921 and lasting in English until 1938. Inprecorr’s role was to supply translated articles to the English-speaking press of the International from the Comintern’s different sections, as well as news and statements from the ECCI. Many ‘Daily Worker’ and ‘Communist’ articles originated in Inprecorr, and it also published articles by American comrades for use in other countries. It was published at least weekly, and often thrice weekly.

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/international/comintern/inprecor/1923/v03n02-jan-05-1923-Inprecor-loc.pdf