Having no mass parties of labor or the left, a true 1930s ‘Popular Front’ was not a real possibility in the U.S. Perhaps the closest was the support unions, Socialist and Communist Parties gave to New York mayor Fiorello La Guardia’s 1937 re-election. James Casey from the recently formed, and anti-Popular Front, Socialist Workers Party on La Guardia’s record.

‘La Guardia Record: A Lackey of Capitalism’ by James Casey from Socialist Appeal (New York). Vol. 1. No. 5. September 11, 1937.

In New York at present we behold three candidates zealously bidding for the job of “savior” in, of course, the “democratic” American style.

This trio is unanimous in the pledge to save the municipality for doctrines of Americanism as laid down by the Chamber of Commerce, the American Bankers Association, the various manufacturer’s groups and the Daughters of the American Revolution. Broadly speaking, this Americanism stands for “good government”, “non-partisan rule”, “efficient business administration” and all other forms of legalized robbery and exploitation of the city’s population.

One of the well-known aspirants, Royal S. Copeland, has an adequate record to fit him for the job. He is a celebrated quack who aids patent medicine manufacturers, with a “health hints” column in one of the local newspapers. During his years in Washington, he has done everything possible for the public utility interests short of introducing legislation to send all the legislators back to their homes and have the vice-president of the Consolidated Gas and affiliated companies take over the whole parliamentary extravaganza.

“New Dealer” Mahoney

In Jeremiah T. Mahoney, the Senator has an interesting rival and one whose past is the envy of many a politician who also would like to serve the nation’s biggest tax dodgers. As a former Democratic Judge, a Grand Sachem of the Tammany Robbers and a corporation lawyer, Mahoney is a reliable guarantor of the “good government” demanded by Rotary, Lions and Kiwanis clubs.

Yet, in spite of their willingness and their overwhelming ambition, neither of these two aspirants compare in subtlety, cunning and demagogy to the remaining member of the trio–Hizzoner himself, Fiorello H. La Guardia, Republican, Democratic, Fusionist Communist, “Socialist,” Progressive, Social Democrat, and Independent, one in all and all in one. Here you truly have a combination of parts that has won the admiration and appreciation of bankers, industrialists, merchants and manufacturers from one corner of the land to the other.

Big Capital Backs La Guardia

It is this striking unity on the part of Wall Street reaction and Stalin’s representatives for their “all inclusive” candidate that makes it imperative for every toiler to become familiar with La Guardia’s anti-working class record. James Burnham already has written a highly enlightening article on the Mayor and The Socialist Appeal in a previous issue has shown how La Guardia is backed by the Democratic New York Times, semi-official organ of Wall Street, the Republican Herald-Tribune, organ of Liberty League interests, and the Daily Worker, organ of the Stalinist Party. He is also supported by the Daily News of the International Harvester Co., a House of Morgan affiliate, the strike-busting Scripps-Howard newspaper and the yellow journalism of the New York Evening Post. To LaGuardia, the alliance in his behalf of reaction with working class deserters is neither strange nor new.

In the Fall of 1922 LaGuardia  sought a seat in Congress on a straight Republican ticket. Once elected, however, he announced himself a “progressive” so that he might array new forces to his support in coming campaigns.

Fiorello and Tammany

And, as though to prove that he meant what he said, LaGuardia took on as one of his first “progressive” tasks a retainer to serve as special counsel for the Tammany administration that was then fleecing the City’s treasury. Having of late criticized Tammany politicians for their unshakeable habit of making “grabs” of tax-payers’ money, would it be too rude to remind LaGuardia that he, too, likes to cash in, while the sun shines?

On August 31, 1932, LaGuardia collected $8,508 of taxpayers’ money from the Tammany gang at City Hall for “services”. On December 14, 1923 he received another check from Tammany officials, this time for a $2,688.

It must be noted here that during the time he was making these collections from Tammany officials, LaGuardia was officially a Republican legislator on the Federal government payroll. Having wooed both Tammany and the Republicans for a spell with a fair amount of success, LaGuardia decided to expand and try out a new field. Thus, in 1924, he bloomed as a full-fledged “Socialist” and a candidate for Congress on the Old Guard-controlled Socialist Party ticket. But in that campaign Fortune lagged a bit and did not reach Fiorello.

Ham Fish’s Man

In 1926 LaGuardia was again in the race for Congress, this time as a good Republican, as a standard bearer of Ham Fish’s Party and with the blessing of the Herald-Tribune. What happened? Ham Fish’s party, the Herald-Tribune, the Coolidge administration, the House of Morgan and Fiorello won a smashing victory. The working class candidates were defeated.

Fiorello Defends Tammany

Back to Congress therefore went LaGuardia, with a light heart, a fat salary and still burning with ambition. It was during this session that LaGuardia won his chance to tell the world what he thought of Tammany Hall. The occasion was a debate on the floor of the House on March 7, 1926 and Tammany’s fair name was taken in vain. The impudent offender was Representative Lewis C. Crampton of Michigan. Whereupon, Fiorello got good and sore. His sense of justice was outraged to the breaking point. He jumped to his feet and this is what he told Congress, gallery spectators, the Congressional Record and the whole darned world:

“Tammany Hall is full of heart and full of human interest. Tam- many has done more for the welfare institutions of the great city (New York) in one year than any private foundation with its theories and statistics can do from now until the end of time.”

So there you have, in plain, healthy English, the official expression of the Morgan-duPont-Browder-Thomas candidate regard to Tammany Hall.

Labor Record

Never before in American history have trade union leaders thrown the full weight of Organized Labor behind a local candidate for public office as in the case this year of LaGuardia. Under the circumstances, it would not be amiss to scan his position in labor matters and thus learn whether he merits this unprecedented action.

One need go no further than to the files of the Daily Worker for the first three years of La Guardia’s administration. This was before the inauguration of the People’s Front line and the Daily Worker, which is now avidly supporting his candidacy, was not then duty bound to conceal LaGuardia’s anti-labor record. Week after week, the Stalinist organ covered columns of space to show how he used his police force against demonstrations of jobless and his authority as arbitrator against the trade unions in wage and hour dispute. But his soiled record extends back to even before the issuance of the first number of the Stalinist paper that is now swallowing every word that it has printed against LaGuardia in other years.

Against Postal Workers

In the summer of 1919 when the nation’s postal employes were pressing for passage of a bill to increase their wages, LaGuardia came out flatly against the measure. On September 6, 1919, he made a sharp attack on the postal workers’ bill on the floor of the House. Indeed, the subsequent defeat of this bill was in no small measure due to the demagogic opposition of this “progressive.”

His speech on August 30th last which was “played up” in all the city’s newspaper and which ad- vised trade unionists “to discipline themselves and not call unnecessary strikes” was a subtle assurance to Big Business that he can be counted on to deal with workers.

It must be borne in mind that LaGuardia is not a union man and has never been a member of any trade union. Since 1905 he has served the ruling interests in one public capacity or another. The records show that he has spent not a single day as a bona fide member of the nation’s working class.

Jingoism

But the trade union leaders, who hail him as a labor sympathizer, also herald him as a vigorous opponent of imperialist war. On this point, too, the claims and hopes and election campaign stories run counter to the cold and indisputable record. At the outbreak of the World War, La Guardia left his seat in Congress to enlist as an army aviator. Soon after leaving for the front LaGuardia was sent to Italy to whip up a war hysteria among the nation’s more or less apathetic people. LaGuardia speaks the Italian language fluently and he went from city to city and from village to village exhorting the citizenry to join in the “war for democracy.” So well did he per- form his task for the jingoists that he was elevated to the rank of major.

LaGuardia returned to America and the “fighter for democracy” was again elected to Congress. One of his first official acts was to vote for a $150,000,000 aviation building program as advocated by the War Department. La Guardia’s sole objection to the measure was that it did not provide for three brigadier generals as flying officers.

Aids Fascists

Again, LaGuardia is looked upon as an anti-fascist. Wall Street is inordinately happy that Stalinists have chosen anti-fascist slogans to strengthen capitalist “democracy.” Much is being made of LaGuardia’s verbal bouts with the Nazi dictator. But what about LaGuardia’s attitude toward the barbarous and deadly Mussolini regime? Why are the Stalinists silent? Why is La Guardia silent?

In 1935 when anti-fascist groups were preparing for a Columbus Day demonstration, the fascist forces arranged for a rally at Columbus Circle. La Guardia chose to speak at the fascist rally along with Generoso Pope, publisher of Il Progresso, New York’s fascist daily. LaGuardia addressed the meeting in spite of protests from liberal and working class circles and anti-fascists, who marched to the scene of the fascist meeting, were clubbed and trampled by the police of La Guardia’s “progressive” administration.

There have been a number of periodicals named Socialist Appeal in our history, this Socialist Appeal was edited in New York City by the “Left Wing Branches of the Socialist Party”. After the Workers Party (International Left Opposition) entered the Socialist Party in 1936, the Trotskyists did not have an independent publication. However, Albert Goldman began publishing a monthly Socialist Appeal in Chicago in February 1935 before the bulk of Trotskyist entered the SP. When there, they began publishing Socialist Appeal in August 1937 as the weekly paper of the “Left Wing Branches of the Socialist Party” but in reality edited by Cannon and other leaders. Goldman’s Chicago Socialist Appeal would fold into the New York paper and this Socialist Appeal would replace New Militant as the main voice of Fourth Internationalist in the US. After the expulsion of the Trotskyists from the the Socialist Party, Socialist Appeal became the weekly organ of the newly constituted Socialist Workers Party in early 1938. Edited by James Cannon and Max Shachtman, Felix Morrow, and Albert Goldman. In 1941 Socialist Appeal became The Militant again.

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/themilitant/socialist-appeal-1937/sep-11-1937.pdf