William D. Haywood writes of his travels through Britain and Ireland with Jim Larkin and James Connolly stumping for solidarity during the 1913 Dublin Lockout. In the process Big Bill meets French C.G.T. leader Léon Jouhaux, Jack White and the Irish Citizen’s Army, Larkin’s sister and comrade Delia Larkin, socialist editor Charles Lapworth, Dora Montefiore, visits Liberty Hall, Croyden Park, the Manchester Free Trade Hall, and the children of Dublin. Wonderful.

‘Jim Larkin’s Call for Solidarity’ by William D. Haywood from The International Socialist Review. Vol. 14. No. 8. February, 1914.

WHILE quietly resting in Paris to regain my health, incidentally collecting at first hand, information relative to the General Confederation of Labor, I received word from Charles Lapworth, editor of the Daily Herald of London. Lapworth will be remembered as having toured this country on the Red Special. He was editing the livest little propaganda sheet in England. He urged me to come to England at once, as there was going to be held a series of protest meetings under the auspices of the Herald, demanding the release of James Larkin, Secretary of the Irish Transport Workers Union, and two hundred or more men and women, members of the organization, who were then in the Mount Joy prison in Dublin.

Lapworth’s letter was like a call to arms, and though I had spoken at but one public meeting since Tom Mann’s arrival in the United States, that being the occasion of a great anti-military demonstration under the auspices of the C.G.T. in Wagram Hall, Paris, I decided to go to England and do what little I could in behalf of the Irish fighters.

Before leaving Paris I met with the secretaries of the different Federations affiliated with the C.G.T., and asked them for an expression of international solidarity in behalf of the locked-out workers at Dublin. They gave me 1,000 francs and the following inspiring letter:

“To Our Comrades in Dublin; Fraternal Greetings!

“In the name of the General Confederation of Labor, the Union of Metal Workers. of Builders, of Woodworkers, of Leatherworkers, of Caterers, of Glass- workers, of Jewelers, of Port and Dock Workers and of the Union of the Seine Syndicates, we are sending through Comrade Haywood the sum of 1,000 francs (£40) to help you to maintain the courageous fight you are waging against your masters.

“On behalf of the above organizations, we congratulate you on your courage and tenacity.

With you heart and soul, we are carefully following all the phases of your grand struggle. We see in this great fight an example and encouragement, and the message we send you is that your unselfish efforts cannot but rouse a new fighting element in the working-class movement of England, a forward step which will draw you nearer to the-proletariat of this country. We are sure that the ultimate victory will be yours.

Confident in this hope we send you our fraternal and international greetings.

“Long live the Union of all proletarians, educated in one and the same hatred of exploitation and one and the same hope of the ultimate and complete victory of Labor. (Signed) LEON JOUHAUX, Secretary. (For the C.G.T.)”

Thus armed I proceeded to England. Larkin had been released the night I left Parts. It was the mighty pressure of the English workers that compelled the politicians of England and Ireland to throw open his prison doors. Larkin had crossed the Channel to speak at the meeting that was to have been a protest in his behalf. I first met him in the Clarion Café at Manchester. We were not strangers, being acquainted with each other’s work. After shaking hands I sized up the splendid fellow. Height, six foot two, weight, two hundred and ten pounds, a well poised head, slightly stooped from breaking sacks of grain across his shoulders while working as a dock laborer. Clear, penetrating, grey blue, Irish eyes, the brow of a poet and coarse iron grey hair, prominent Roman nose, a firm chin, and mouth that smiles for friends and little children. Big hands and feet, a soft voice though harsh with much speaking, a handsome man, not molded, but hewed out with an adze, a fighter, every inch of him. This is Jim Larkin in repose.

That night I heard him in the Free Trade Hall, addressing an audience that packed that great building to the doors. So great was the enthusiasm and desire to see and hear Larkin that an overflow crowd of 20,000 stood in the drizzling rain, ankle deep in mud, waiting for him to conclude his speech in the Hall. And what a speech! He described the condition to which capitalism had brought the workers in Dublin, Belfast, Sligo, in Cork and throughout the entire industrial region of the little Green Isle. It was a terrific indictment. The torture and indignities imposed upon the locked-out workers in Dublin by William Martin Murphy and the rest of the Citizens Alliance of Ireland’s capital were equaled only by some of the labor struggles that we have known so well in this country.

Larkin told of the time, less than five years ago, when he first organized the Irish Transport Workers and General Laborers’ Union. The wages then in some branches were as low as 11 shillings, ($2.75) a week. He recalled instances of girls in factories receiving one shilling weekly; of agricultural workers brutalized at a wage of $2.00, the condition of Irish farm laborers being as bad as the dairy workers and farm laborers of Denmark, where the Polish emigrants under contract, receive but a kronex (25 cts.) a day. Through the power of the Union, things have been improved in Dublin for labor of all classes, even the skilled workers have largely benefited through the influence and support of the Transport Workers’ Organization, which is an organized One Big Union, including 37 branches, extending their sheltering support to all forms of labor. This accounts for the vicious attack that is being made upon it at this time.

Preceding Larkin’s speech, James Connolly, Larkin’s associate in Ireland, well known to the workers of the United States, having soap-boxed from coast to coast, addressed the meeting, and also the overflow. Connolly’s arraignment of conditions in Dublin was in no wise second to that of Larkin himself. He told of 21,000 families living in single rooms, performing, within four walls, all the functions of human life, from birth to death.

With deliberate forcefulness he described the brutality of the police in quelling pickets and the strikers’ meetings, and invading the strikers homes. One instance that chilled the blood of his hearers was the police entering the room of a mother upon her maternity bed, with her new born child but a few days old. There the blue coated fiends beat the prostrate woman, nearly killing her, while a blow from one of their clubs ended the life of her babe. It was such statements of fact coming from the mouths of men who knew them to be true, that roused the audience at Manchester to a pitch of frenzy, and a determination to stand by their Dublin brothers and sisters to the bitter end.

This was the crusade of the “Fiery Cross” that Larkin threatened when released from jail. When speaking from one of the windows of Liberty Hall, he said:

“We have successfully fought the strongest government of modern times. We have compelled the government to release an ordinary dock laborer like myself. I may tell you this and don’t forget it: We are going to win this battle, and if we fall we will fall fighting. Our battle is only started. The government made a mistake in sending me to prison, but a bigger one in releasing me, because now they will have to release all of the others.

“I am going over to England in a few hours, and before many days have passed the workers will be aroused not only in Dublin, but all over Great Britain.”

The workers of Manchester remembered me from the meetings held there during my former visit, as was shown by their splendid reception.

From Manchester I went with Larkin to London, where a meeting had been arranged in Albert Hall. The Herald League had but five days to prepare for it, but the popularity of Larkin and the cause he represents filled the hall to its capacity of 12,000, while 30,000 additional applications for tickets were made by those who were anxious to hear him.

It was on this occasion that the medical students and students of the School of Mines tried to disrupt the meeting. First they attempted to wreck the electric plant, but their work was ineffective.

A large body of them gained entrance to the corridors and tried to make their way into the body of the hall, when they were met by an army of ushers who were prepared for such an onslaught. The treatment that was meted out to the young University cubs will not soon be forgotten by them. One of their number was picked up bodily and thrown through a glass door, landing on the stone steps outside the Royal Entrance.

These meetings were the forerunners of a campaign for working class solidarity, such as Great Britain had never known. The next day Larkin had an informal conference with members of the parliamentary committee of the Trade Union Congress. Members of this committee took occasion to say that the meetings that had been held, at which they had no opportunity to speak, did not represent the spirit and feelings of the British workers, that the attendance was largely middle class. That night Larkin remarked to me that if he was not reaching the workers through the meetings, he would reach them through the press, and he issued his famous manifesto to the British workers.

The appearance of this manifesto aroused the indignation of the labor leaders. They were entangled in a mesh from which they could not extricate themselves. The rank and file were clamoring for action. James, a lone locomotive engineer at Swansea had precipitated what looked as though it would develop into a general strike, by refusing longer to handle scab goods. Seventeen hundred engineers came out on strike in Wales, in sympathy with James and the workers in Dublin. It required all of the scheming and pressure that officials like Thomas and Williams of the Railway Men’s Union, could bring to bear to get the railroaders back to work.

In the meantime Larkin was carrying his message throughout the length and breadth of Great Britain. The workers in all the great industrial centers such as Cardiff, Swansea, Bristol, Sheffield, Birmingham, Hull, Liverpool, Leicester, New-Castle-on-Tyne, Leeds, Wakefield, Preston, Glasgow, Edinburgh, heard his call for Solidarity, and his demand that British trade unionists should no longer scab on the Transport Workers of Ireland: by loading or unloading ships for Dublin or other ports that would affect the strike.

Parting with Larkin at Birmingham I went to Dublin and he to Hull and other places. Crossing that rough piece of water, called St. Georges Channel, I approached the land that has been made historic in poetry and song. I could see but little of the Dublin Bay that has been likened in beauty to that of Naples. Night was gathering and only shore lines and outlines of the hills were visible and through the gloom, the glittering of the lights of Kingston. It was but a few minutes by tram from the dock that I found myself surrounded by a great crowd at the depot in Dublin. A jaunting car took me to the hotel. That night I visited Liberty Hall, the headquarters of those who are locked out and the strikers. It was a busy place; halls and rooms were crowded as I made survey of the soup kitchen, meeting halls and offices.

In room number 7, Connolly presided in the absence of Larkin. While discussing matters with him the place was invaded by the chief of police and an attending officer. The functionary started to tell Connolly that there could be no demonstration around the jail as had previously been arranged for the next day. To this stricture Connolly replied to the bulky chief, “We know our rights as citizens, and there will be a parade tomorrow.” The chief continued his warning when Connolly called his attention to a lie that the officer had told in court. Pointing to a proclamation on the wall, Connolly in a challenging voice said to the chief, “You swore that that had never been printed or posted. Look at it. Is that a Proclamation?”

The officer hedged and said:

“I didn’t come here to talk about proclamations, but to warn you that there shall be no demonstration tomorrow.”

Connolly looked up from his work, saying: “If that is your message and you have nothing more to deliver you had better get out.”

The policeman said: “Thank you for your reception.”

Connolly said: “You’re welcome,” and with that the officers left the room.

The next day, Sunday, in Catholic, church-going Dublin, there was a great gathering of the clans at Croyden Park. This is an old Manor place of about sixteen acres and a mansion of seventy-two rooms. On this property the Transport Workers’ Union has secured an option and proposes at some future time to purchase it for their convenience and pleasure. It was on the green field immediately in front of the mansion that Captain White, an ex-army officer began to marshal the members of the Citizens Army. Here the members of the different Unions armed with hurleys, sticks and clubs went through the manoeuvres of a military body. This military organization had been formed for the purpose of self protection of themselves, wives and children against the onslaughts of the police. It is the intention to drill and arm this body of men in regular military fashion. However, some complications have arisen which may prevent it, as the King of England has issued a proclamation against the shipment of arms, ordinance, gunpowder. or ammunition of any kind to Ireland. This edict seems to be directed against the Irish workers as the Protestants of Ulster have been allowed to arm themselves against a possible home rule government in Ireland, without protest.

After the gathering at Croyden Park the workers formed in line of procession with bands of music and thrilling notes from Irish pipers. They marched through the city around the Mount Joy jail, giving mighty cheers for their imprisoned comrades, thence to the Square in front of Liberty Hall, where it was my privilege to speak for the first time on Irish soil.

There was no sense of weakening among the workers, and by a unanimous uplift of hands, they pledged themselves to stand by each other until the fight was over. It was a unique sight to look over that vast audience. Some had advanced to martial orders to the very front of the stand with their sticks and clubs; in each coat lapel, the sign of their Union, a red hand, could be seen.

After the meeting I went on a tour of investigation. Meeting Miss’ Delia Larkin, a sister of Jim, I secured many interesting facts about the women and the part that they had played in the great strike. Miss Larkin is just as interesting a character as her brother Jim. She knows every detail of the work and during his absence has assisted in all departments in conducting the affairs of the Union and editing the “Irish Worker,” their official organ. There are about 5,000 women and girls organized in the Irish Women Workers’ Union, of which she is secretary. Since the lock-out and strike has been on, the burden of caring for the women and children has largely been upon her shoulders. She has been enabled to do wonders through the contribution of food and clothing that has come to them from the workers in England. It would not be too much to say that $500,000 has been subscribed in pennies and pounds for the relief of the Transport Workers.

Miss Larkin’s work is far reaching. Not only is she providing for the immediate sustenance of the families, but she is developing a spirit of rebellion and discontent in the breasts of the children.

She said to me: “I am feeding and clothing these children with the very best that I can get; better than they have ever known. It is my purpose to give them such good things now that they will never be satisfied again with the conditions that prevailed before the strike.”

It was the intention of Miss Larkin and the officials of the Union to follow the example of the workers of Lawrence and Patterson, and send some hundreds of the children away during the time the strike was on, to be taken care of by the workers of different towns in England. In this work they were being assisted by Dora B. Montefiore, and Mrs. Rand. They were only able to get a few of the children away on account of the opposition of the police and thugs, who were backed up by the Archbishop and the priests.

After a brief but very interesting and instructive time in Dublin, I left with Connolly to meet Larkin in Liverpool for a meeting to be held there in Sun Hall, Dec. 25. The meeting was equal in all respects to those held elsewhere, though efforts were planned to disrupt it. Incidentally Larkin had shown up the character of James Sexton, secretary of the Dockers’ Union of Liverpool. It was this same Sexton whom Larkin charged with being a party to his arrest and imprisonment some years previous. The dockers of Liverpool, not knowing the truth of this affair, caused a bill to be circulated previous to the meeting, headed:

“Larkin, the Liar,” instructing their members to go to Sun Hall and permit Larkin no further talk until he apologized to Sexton.

In spite of apparent hostilities, nothing transpired to mar the success of the meeting.

I remained over a day in Liverpool to visit the kiddies who were living at Wallasey. A happy group they were, and everyone from little Pat in his high chair to the oldest sang out, “We won’t go back to ‘Dooblin.’” Heartily they sang the songs of the strike and shouted ‘Up Larkin’.

At all the great meetings held throughout Great Britain, resolutions pledging support both financial and moral were unanimously adopted. It seemed that this lead would give the Trade Union Officers the backing and courage for action, so essential to win the Dublin strike when they met in special session of congress on Dec. 9. The rank and file of railway men and dockers who held the key to the situation were ready and waiting for the signal, but when the congress met, one would judge by the action and speeches that the main purpose was to curtail and limit the power and work of Larkin. He was condemned and vilified by leaders: such as Thomas, Williams, Sexton, Cotter and Willie Anderson. Against them all the big fellow held his own in fine style. While no sympathetic strike was declared, a resolution was adopted to continue financial support, and that the committee representing the Parliamentary Committee of the Trade Union Congress, the General Federation of Trade Unions and the Labor Party Executive, should continue their negotiations for a settlement with the Employers of Dublin.

Whatever may be the outcome of these negotiations, the workers of Dublin are not going to abjure their connection with the Irish Transport Workers Union, which is the demand of the employer. The workers know that this Union has meant a new life to them and in the words of Larkin “They are marching toward the rising sun, and will stand in its effulgence free men and women.”

The International Socialist Review (ISR) was published monthly in Chicago from 1900 until 1918 by Charles H. Kerr and critically loyal to the Socialist Party of America. It is one of the essential publications in U.S. left history. During the editorship of A.M. Simons it was largely theoretical and moderate. In 1908, Charles H. Kerr took over as editor with strong influence from Mary E Marcy. The magazine became the foremost proponent of the SP’s left wing growing to tens of thousands of subscribers. It remained revolutionary in outlook and anti-militarist during World War One. It liberally used photographs and images, with news, theory, arts and organizing in its pages. It articles, reports and essays are an invaluable record of the U.S. class struggle and the development of Marxism in the decades before the Soviet experience. It was closed down in government repression in 1918.

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/isr/v14n08-feb-1914-ISR-gog-ocr.pdf