Frank Bohn was a delegate to the 1907 International Congress at Stuttgart where the immigration debate occurred. Seeing the meetings largely as reformist gatherings blowing hot air, Bohn looks at the agenda for the upcoming Copenhagen Congress and, unimpressed, offers suggestions.

‘Tweedle Dee and Tweedle Dum or The Agenda of the International Socialist Congress’ by Frank Bohn from International Socialist Review. Vol. 11 No. 1. July, 1910.

COMRADE George Herron, in his striking article on Theodore Roosevelt, stated that there is not a Socialist Movement in the world which is “profoundly revolutionary, resolutely reaching to the roots of things, refusing any longer to tinker or compromise with the present evil world.”

This remark undoubtedly caused great surprise among many comrades to whom the International Socialist Movement is the ideal of their aspirations as regards working class progress. But the truth of Comrade Herron’s criticism must be brought home to the rank and file of the International Movement. At the Stuttgart Congress in 1907 the writer was a member of a commission on immigration. It was a surprise to him that this “problem” of immigration should have been thought of enough importance by Socialists to require the deliberations and report of a separate commission. If our capitalist government should greatly restrict the freedom of the workers to go from market to market in search of purchasers of their labor power, how would we arrange to have international congresses at all? In such case, of course, the congress would be composed of delegates drawn entirely from the property holding and professional classes. These would have freedom to travel in foreign countries. Workers would not. It was with these thoughts in mind that I took my seat in the commission. What I said there offended some comrades. But the resolutions presented to the congress and by it adopted, took, generally, a progressive stand in this matter, even though it contained that modicum of milk-and-water compromise which Socialist political leaders seem always to inherit from capitalist politicians.

Nevertheless the Stuttgart congress did discuss some matters of real import and interest to the working class. There was, for instance, the subject of the relation of the political to the industrial organizations. The debates informed the delegates and the whole movement, even though they led to no very definite results.

But this year a sickish feeling creeps over one long before delegates put out to sea on their way to the International Congress. One feels very much as the dog must have felt when “Old Mother Hubbard went to the cupboard,” and returned with empty hands. Here’s the agenda. Look it over for yourself:

(1) Relations between co-operative organizations and the political parties;
(2) The question of unemployment;
(3) Arbitration and disarmament;
(4) International results of labor legislation;
(5) Organization of an international manifestation against capital punishment;
(6) Line to take up and ensure speedy execution of resolutions passed at international congress;
(7) Organization of international solidarity.

I shall take up these subjects in reverse order.

The seventh and sixth are too vague for our understanding as to what might be done about them.

“The organization of international solidarity” is just as fine as “Workers of the world unite.” We are all agreed there. I see no need for further conversation concerning the matter.

(6) Line to take up and ensure speedy execution of resolutions passed at international congress.

The international congresses are really conferences. They have no authority over the international movement. If the deliberations and resolutions do not commend themselves to the members of the various countries, they can have no effect. Resolutions for unity of the Socialist parties will never secure unity in England. A resolution for perfect harmony between the political and economic organizations will never make the revolutionary Socialists of America support Gomperism, neither would a resolution against Gomperism cause the A. F. of L. to inform itself about Socialism or become progressive as a union movement. The various national movements as regards enforced sanction of international tactics must be left, in the immediate future as in the past, very much to themselves.

(5) Organization of an international manifestation against capital punishment.

By the shades of Marx and Engels! What have we here? I do not recall how many are hanged every year in England and on the Continent, but in America for 125 who are annually executed according to law, capitalism leads 10,000 to commit suicide and 10,000 more to commit murder. There are five times as many workers slaughtered in the mills of Pittsburg every year as go to the gallows in all America. More workers have been shot by police and soldiers in Pennsylvania during the past twelve months than Pennsylvania has hung in a decade. In Holland from three to five are executed annually. In Chicago, Ill., thirty persons have been hanged in twenty years, but in Cherry, Ill., 350 were burned up in a day. This one about capital punishment must have been put in as a joker.

(4) International results of labor legislation.

This note has some slight degree of interest. We should like to know just what these “international results” are. If the congress can inform us we shall be glad if they take the trouble. The Bismarckian legislation in Germany has surely been effectual in stemming the tides of slummery. If labor legislation in America comes either through a Bismarck or as a result of the tears and prayers of a national association of church sewing societies, we shall be glad that the results are being secured. But as yet we haven’t much to report from America.

(3) Arbitration and disarmament.

In the decade we are just entering, this subject appears to be taking the center of the stage among professional reformers. Carnegie devoted the last decade to libraries. Every town which would possibly endure having a library rammed down its throat seems to have one by this time. Anyway, giving away libraries is less spectacular than “arbitration and disarmament.” It is natural that the dean of the peace society people should be the man more responsible than any other for the conditions among the iron and steel workers of America. When the old Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers made its last fight, in 1894, Carnegie’s tactics were copied from those of General Weyler in Cuba. A barbed wire trocha was built around the mills, machine guns were dragged inside, and strike breakers put to work. But that was not all. Plug-uglies were sent to the company houses to turn the women and children into the streets to starve and. die. “Arbitration and disarmament” preached by Carnegie in the Pittsburg district, and arbitration preached from Russia by the Czar, both amount to the same thing.

National capital brings international wars. International capital brings international arbitration. Enough international capital and we shall have disarmament to save taxes.

Carnegie and the Czar gave swing to the present movement for “world peace.” When they had it sufficiently advertised the International Bureau put it on its agenda.

(2) Question of unemployment.

Theoretically some of us thought this question was answered by the Communist Manifesto. If not answered by the Communist Manifesto then certainly “Capital does not leave us in doubt as to the cause.” These quite well known books lead one to surmise that where capitalism is there is unemployment—that to fight unemployment we must fight capitalism. It was once thought by those who were known as Socialists that if the mob could be stirred to raise a shout for liberty it would receive bread to stuff its mouth with.

(1) Relation between co-operative organizations arid the political parties.

With this the Bureau begins the agenda, and so it will probably be taken up first. I respectfully suggest that the delegates who go by water be instructed to follow the example of the three wise men of the East who put to sea in a bowl. Thus they would bring the capitalist steamship lines to bankruptcy. Having landed in the State of Denmark, let our comrades all purchase push carts and trundle them into Copenhagen afoot, Thus the railroad companies would be forced to the wall. In Copenhagen, of course, they should not stay at the capitalist hostelries. Let the Danish comrades put up tents for them and furnish camp cooking outfits. Thus the congress would not be wasting its time in “hot air” arguments and foolish Marxian theorizing. It would be setting a practical hard-headed example to the international movement by starting the Socialist republic right there in Copenhagen.

It is to be regretted that discussion of the following subjects seems to have been postponed to the next congress. We respectfully submit them for consideration to the International Bureau.

(1) Propaganda of anti-vivisection.

(2) The organization of village improvement societies.

(3) Legal enforcement of the use of Esperanto as a world language.

(4) Use of reformed spelling by the English and of the Latin alphabet by the Germans as “a step in the right direction.”

(5) Intervention by the Six Powers to prevent an annual increase of more than twenty in the harem of the Sultan.

(6) What brand of hair restorer shall be recommended by the International Socialist Movement?

(7) Establishment of hospitals for blind mice.

The International Socialist Review (ISR) was published monthly in Chicago from 1900 until 1918 by Charles H. Kerr and critically loyal to the Socialist Party of America. It is one of the essential publications in U.S. left history. During the editorship of A.M. Simons it was largely theoretical and moderate. In 1908, Charles H. Kerr took over as editor with strong influence from Mary E Marcy. The magazine became the foremost proponent of the SP’s left wing growing to tens of thousands of subscribers. It remained revolutionary in outlook and anti-militarist during World War One. It liberally used photographs and images, with news, theory, arts and organizing in its pages. It articles, reports and essays are an invaluable record of the U.S. class struggle and the development of Marxism in the decades before the Soviet experience. It was closed down in government repression in 1918.

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/isr/v11n01-jul-1910-ISR-gog-Corn-OCR.pdf