A fascinating document, this milestone discussion piece for the newly formed Unified Communist Party rejecting the old Socialist Party line of having ‘nothing particular’ to offer Black workers, with America’s ‘race issue’ to be solved by a future Socialism. Here ‘J.P. Collins,’ the party-name of early Boston C.P. leader Joseph Zack Kornfeder (I am unsure of ‘Bruce’), says the Party must fight now, with a program of full democratic rights, to both win Black workers and create space for radical labor organizing.

‘The Party and the Negro Struggle’ by John Bruce and J.P. Collins from The Communist (Unified Communist Party). Vol. 1 Nos. 4 & 5. October & November, 1921.

I.

An American Problem

THE solution of the Negro Problem lies, as in the case of most of the social suffering, in the abolition of Capitalism. But to be satisfied with this conclusion, and present the same as a cure-all to the masses will not do. The masses do not understand our theories, and the bourgeois grip upon them cannot be loosened merely by the statement of such truths. It is evident that though we clearly understand our ultimate aim, the realization of it by the masses depends upon our skill to correlate our objectives with their ideology and their immediate wants and sufferings. The test of a true Communist does not lie in the correct repetition of Communist truths, an act which at times is a mere parrot performance, but in the understanding of their proper application.

In the case of the Negro we are faced with a distinctly American problem which demands a careful application of Communist strategy. The importation of the Negro to the American hemisphere arose from a desire for cheap labor power. This type of labor developed vast sections of the continent. The Negro’s exploitation proceeded under conditions of chattel slavery. Thus the Southern bourgeoisie continued to grow wealthy and powerful until the two systems, Chattel Slavery in the South and Wage Slavery in the North, came to an open clash. They could not peacefully exist side by side.

As Feudalism limited the development and free expansion of Capitalism so the system of the slave barons in the South set serious limitations upon the Northern bourgeoisie. The slave system of the South with its monopoly of labor power was too effective a barrier for industrial capitalist economic penetration of the South. Two distinct systems of exploitation were developing within the same governmental structure. After many vain attempts to manoeuver and compromise at each other’s expense, the struggle broke out. For the South it was a war for independence, for the North a war for liberation. Ostensibly it was a war to abolish slavery in America but beneath the idealistic motives that were held up to the masses, was that ruthless hypocrisy of which only the bourgeoisie is capable. The hypocrisy of the Northern bourgeoisie was strikingly demonstrated when, at the conclusion of peace between the warring factions, the Negro was delivered to the tender mercies of the former slave-owning class.

A Hollow Mockery

The moral effect upon the Negroes was, of course, detrimental to the bourgeois in general. The Negro

wanted freedom and through association with his rulers had learned many lessons. He determined to make his formal liberation real. This frame of mind is not conducive to easy exploitation. It had to be curbed. The Negro’s spirit had to be broken. But the Southern bourgeoisie had a “gentlemen’s agreement” with the North whereby they were prevented from openly and formally re-enslaving the Negro. Such conduct would have roused the “plain people” of the North and forced another crisis. It was then perpetrated under cover. This was carried out masterfully. The Northern troops garrisoning the South did not interfere. They quietly aided in the disarming of those in the South who were interested in the preservation of the new rights and the maintenance of the so-called state of emancipation. Thru this mutual understanding between the Northern and Southern bourgeoisie the Negroes and their sympathizers were disarmed. Deprived of the means of self-defense, they entrusted themselves to the care of the Federal Government. Then followed one of the most despicable steps taken by any ruling class in order to crush the opposition of the exploited. The Southern bourgeoisie, hand in hand with the illiterate and misled “poor whites,” organized a gigantic, secret murder society, tortured, lynched and murdered in the dark of night. The victims were never accounted for. They ran into tens of thousands. Amongst the victims were negroes and their white sympathizers. By these methods the Negro was reduced to peonage. To this day lynching-bees and sundry means of terrorism are quite the order of the day in the South. The so-called liberation of the Negro is revealed as a farce of the worst sort–a hollow mockery.

The bourgeois press of the North has hardly uttered a word of protest against this reign of terror. It is our urgent task to throw light upon this oppressive conduct of American capitalism.

The Negroes’ Answer

As a result of the bestial treatment accorded them, the mass of Negroes has developed a profound hatred, not so much of the class that caused their sufferings, as of the race to which his oppressors belong. Wasn’t he despised because he was a Negro? And spat upon because of his color? Didn’t the white workers themselves, under the influence of bourgeois propaganda, bar him from the labor unions because of his dark skin? Surely he could not expect help from anyone but his own kind. Thus we see the Negro throughout the country organized along purely racial lines. Due to this condition, to the tactics of Gompers & Co., American organized Labor to-day has no hold upon the twelve million Negroes. Despite numerous difficulties, millions of Negroes have migrated North in the last two decades. Yet, even in the North, with its comparative freedom, they remain in their race organizations and retain their racial ideology, Because of the comparative civil equality and educational facilities of the North, the organizations have gained great impetus. But they are, in the main, controlled by petty bourgeois, opportunist elements. There are three principal Negro organizations representing three distinct developments of the Negro mind. These are

1. The Universal Negro Improvement Association–the Garvey Movement–headed by Marcus Garvey;

2. The Association for the Advancement of Colored People, headed by Dr. Du Bois;

3. The African Blood Brotherhood, headed by Cyril Briggs.

These bodies total an actual membership of not more than 300,000. However, by reason of their publicity organs, and other forms of propaganda they exercise an influence over millions of Negroes in the United States and many thousands in the West Indies and Africa. There are a great number of nondescript organizations, both in the United States and in her colonies. These may bring the number of Negroes actually organized to over a million and a half. Fraternal societies have a great hold upon the Negro. His churches also wield a great influence over him; they are more like social and recreation centers and have a wider scope of activities than the white church. Then there are over four hundred Negro periodicals with an acknowledged and rapidly growing influence. Most of these, like his churches, are rather free from direct Capitalist control.

Who’s Who Amongst the Negroes

The Negro’s mental development has been neglected even to a greater extent than that of the average white worker. Due to his peculiar history, the treatment received at the hands of the white exploiters, and the opportunism of most of his present leaders he has been made the victim of an intensive racialism and anti-all-white feeling. The Negro petty bourgeois elements, together with other schemers, have taken advantage of his state of mind to achieve their own selfish ends; while the radical element, until recently, has been up against a stone wall of closed mentality because of organized Labor’s official attitude toward the Negro.

The psychology of the Negro and the effect of petty bourgeois leadership are well illustrated by the character and performances of some of the above-mentioned organizations. The Garvey Movement which, more than any other, has caught the imagination of the Negro, expresses itself in terms of liberating Africa and this, otherwise ideal, objective, it attempts to achieve by electing Mr. Garvey as the “Provisional President of Africa,” at $50,000 per year. This gentleman, dubbing himself “the Moses of the Negro Race” has instituted a “government,” with royal titles, Potentates, High Chancellors, etc. He speaks about diplomatic representation, commissioners, courts of reception, knighting knights, decorations and Bureaus of Passports and Identifications. Of course, all the high chieftains get big salaries. Apparently this method of liberating the Negroes suits the powers-that-be and the kings of finance hold Mr. Garvey in great esteem for the work he has done in keeping the Negro’s mind off the real problems before him and busying him with such tomfoolery as knighthoods and court receptions. Moreover, Mr. Garvey was kind enough to pledge the Negro’s loyalty to the United States and approve all future wars of the United States. To assure the good will of the other capitalist governments he extended them a similar pledge despite his talk of freeing Africa from their control. All of his bombastic displays are being financed, not by his toy government which does not have sovereignty over a single square mile of territory, but by constant collections ostensibly for commercial enterprises, the creation of which will, according to Garvey, solve the unemployment problem for the Negro. Needless to say, the major portion of these funds goes to pay the salaries and “traveling expenses” of the adventurers and jokers who are misusing an ideal cause in behalf their own selfish ends.

Dr. DuBois’ organization has as its main objective full civil rights for the Negro and racial equality. His organization has considerable hold upon the petty bourgeois element. It is, in fact, completely dominated by that element in conjunction with a group of white “Liberals” who are represented on the Board of Directors. DuBois’ methods are petitions and protests. Pacifist and without backbone!

The African Blood Brotherhood, headed by Briggs, is more militant than any of the others. Its slogan is “Immediate protection and ultimate liberation for Negroes everywhere.” It preaches co-operation with white radical forces. It is an organization of defense against lynching and terrorism.

The Present Situation

The bourgeoisie is in control of most of the organizations that mold the mind of the Negro. It has succeeded in driving the Negro thoroughly into the racial camp by playing upon race antagonism and the bitter treatment of the Negro at the hands of the whites. By thus obscuring the real cause and source of his oppression and exploitation the average Negro is prevented his opportunities for more gainful occupations and better from understanding the identity of his interests with the rest of the working class.

The Negro has drawn close to his church which, unlike, the White, is still a “mass-church” where the great majority of the Negroes seek help and advice. Its role is to an extent comparable to that of the Jewish synagogue. In encouraging discussion and lectures it goes further than any section of the white church. The Negro Church ostensibly sponsors the Negro race interests, gets together with him on his problems and guides him in his daily troubles. The Negro church is more free from the control of big capital than is the white church. It understands how to keep in touch with and influence the masses. Being a “mass-church” of a mass dissatisfied with things as they are, it can, through proper tactics, very well be used by us to conduct an ideological struggle that will undermine its influence.

Bearing in mind all these factors it is easy to account for the racialism of the Negro and the almost complete lack of class consciousness or even such class organizations as labor unions. Indeed, the white bourgeoisie, aided by the reactionary labor leaders, has played its cards well and has succeeded in greatly estranging the negro from the white worker.

The Negro to-day considerably augments the strike-breaking armies of the capitalists. He is available for that purpose in great numbers and on short notice, North or South. His strike-breaking is, in a no small measure, a matter of revenge against the white workers who bar him from their labor unions and interfere with wages.

A Great Danger

The bourgeoisie is taking full advantage of the negro’s readiness to be used as a strike-breaker. Through a few sops from the government, ably aided by his present leadership, the Negro can be made the staunchest and most valuable supporter of reaction in this country. His leaders have already told him that his friends are the capitalists. They cite the example of capitalist-supported schools like Tuskegee in the South and North as proof of that friendship. The Negro, then, is in danger of becoming the backbone of a vicious White Guard system. We need but reflect, for a moment, on the fact that the backbone of the reactionary French Government to-day is represented by the colored colonial troops garrisoning not only the occupied portions of Germany but many places in France itself. The situation confronting us in the United States is replete with no less awful possibilities.

We must arouse the class-consciousness of the Negro and bring him into our ranks. The Negroes of America have hardly been touched by our propaganda. Of all the races and nationalities of this country they are the farthest removed from class concepts and class organization. But they are dissatisfied and potentially rebellious. How can we give a class character to their dissatisfaction and protest? How can we draw the Negro masses into the struggle against the oppressors of all workers? What shall the Party do to win the Negroes for Communism? These are pertinent questions. The writer will attempt to answer them in an article to follow.

II.

In the last article the background and reasons for the Negro’s racialism and anti-white psychology were outlined. The problem before us now is how to meet the negro’s present frame of mind and gradually bring him into our camp.

When we speak to trade unionists we speak to them in trades-union ways and trades-union language. We take into special consideration the trades-union point of view. We cannot condemn the trades unionist for his lack of vision towards the class struggle or for his narrow, craft struggles and point of view. Neither should we condemn the Negro for his present frame of mind. We must speak to him in the language and ways he understands. We must take special consideration for his point of view.

The World War and the Negro

The struggle of the Negro in this country, especially in the last two decades, has been for racial equality. Latterly, as we have indicated in the previous article, a Pan-African movement has been making headway among the Negroes. This movement is considerably stimulated by the struggle for independence of other oppressed races and nations. The Egyptian and Indian struggles especially have had a stirring effect. The Irish struggle has shown what even a small determined people could do against the world’s mightiest capitalist-imperialist combination. The hypocrisies of the on the World War, too, have had a tremendous effect Negro’s mind. The Negro took at face value all the mouthings about democracy and refused to relinquish the hopes raised during the during the conflict. They have all come out of the conflict with the spirit that “if it was worth while dying for democracy ‘over there’ it is more worth while dying for it over here.” Out of this experience there has arisen an ever-growing sentiment for independence for the Negro countries, Negro government for Africa, “Africa for the Africans,” and a desire to push everything that is Negro.

The new ideas bolstered up the Negro’s self-confidence and pride, but distracted, to a great extent, his attention from the struggle as it affects him in this country. This caused him to neglect concrete demands at home for distant objectives far-removed from the actual issue of the struggle. Thus the two main objectives preoccupying the Negro’s mind at the present time are Negro independence, expressing itself in the cry for a free Africa, etc., and race equality, including social equality. There is also, however, a growing feeling of the necessity for improving the Negro’s material condition in this country. The idea of organizing for better wages is making headway. Various attempts have been made by the Negroes to organize themselves into labor unions. Those Negroes who have taken the initial step along this line have faced many difficulties because of the impression abroad among Negroes that organized labor is opposed to the Negro–an impression largely created, as indicated in our last article, by the official attitude of organized labor toward the Negro.

A word or two about some characteristics of the Negro to-day will not be out of place. The Negro has a great love of display, show, pomp, ostentation, brass bands, mysticism, decorations, buttons, social frivolities and military display. (In this regard it is only fair to say that he is not alone.) These contraptions catch his imagination and act as an inducement for organization as nothing else can at the present time.

At Work

The Negro is revolutionary in sentiment because of the wrongs perpetrated against his race. This sentiment may be latent but it is there.

Our main objective in working among the Negroes must be to attract their attention to the class struggle and to draw them into it. Steer him into class organizations. If through skillful agitation and organization we should succeed in winning the Negro to our camp he will be the most embittered, consistent and tireless opponent of capitalism; having suffered the severest exploitation and oppression he will face his oppressors with a fierce hatred.

Our task is not to oppose such aspirations as a free Africa, race equality, social equality, and better conditions, but rather to intensify those aspirations and help to direct them into effective channels. The most important point in our agitation must be to fix responsibility for the Negro’s sufferings where it rightly belongs: on the bourgeoisie and their Capitalist-Imperialist System! We must make him. understand that in order to achieve his objective he must actively enter the struggle against the common enemy of oppressed. We must direct his struggle into a struggle against Capitalism and capitalist governments; and we must see to it that our enemies should not be able to distract his attention from the concrete immediate fighting objectives to the mirage of false hopes. Our tactics must be such that they will draw the masses into the struggle, gradually drawing them into the maelstrom of revolution towards the final objective.

The aspirations of the Negro are the aspirations of an oppressed race. As usual such aspirations develop because of the sufferings and the natural desires for liberation consequently arising. It behooves us to examine into every one of such cases, to see whether the struggle for such objectives would weaken our enemies and pit the masses of the oppressed race against the common enemy and thus lead these masses nearer to us.

This brings us to an examination of the aspirations of the Negro.

A Free Africa

Africa is a vast undeveloped continent parceled out among the big imperialist plunderers. The exploitation of the natives is diabolical in its crudeness and intensity. Barbarism intermixed with slavery and peonage is the system under which Africa is exploited by the Capitalist governments. Africa has been subjugated by the missionary, whiskey, deceit, fire and sword. The struggle of the natives against their alien exploiters is age-long, and the bones of many of the soldiers of the imperial powers have been bleached by the tropical climate of Africa. Enormous wealth is being derived from Africa for the support of the capitalist regime in Europe and America. Cutting off this wealth would mean economic ruin to many a capitalist state at this critical period! Thus the freeing of Africa would not only deliver a large section of the human race from degradation and slavery but would at the same time undermine one of the pillars of Capitalist Imperialism. Our enemies’ strength would be sapped in the struggle, thus weakening him more and more. We should then welcome and encourage and earnestly help in any effort of the Negroes and other oppressed peoples on the African continent to drive out the imperialists and take possession of the land themselves.

Social Equality

Full racial equality implies the desire of the Negro to be considered as a human being. This is an old demand which received impetus after the World War. It is a far more fundamental demand than all the others. It will not be solved until the Negro, through self-assertion and organization, acquires sufficient power and influence to demand respect.

The demand for a free Africa is an outgrowth of the Negro’s attempt to obtain full racial equality. For equality the Negro will fight most stubbornly, since its denial affects not only his moral and social conditions but also his material well-being.

To achieve equality he must organize his power everywhere, in the Negro states to drive out the imperialists, in the South to gain political freedom and recognition, in general, but especially in the North, to get better material conditions, better wages, shorter hours and more regular employment. By winning the average political liberties he will be more in a position to protect his interests, and by organizing himself economically everywhere, but especially in the North, he will become equal with all the rest of the organized working-class.

Thus we see that the Negro struggle takes on the aspect of a racial as well as a class struggle. Fundamentally it is, of course, a struggle against Capitalism and Imperialism.

It is especially timely and important to encourage the organization of the Negroes economically. Economic organization is bound to bring them into close contact with the white workers. They will be forced to act concertedly with the rest of labor and thus will learn by experience of their common interests and be drawn more and more into the class struggle. Besides the economic appeal is the strongest in any case, and while the Negroes may use their economic strength for the achievement and support of their other aspirations the foundation of strength and well-being is economic security.

The Struggle Involved

The accomplishment of this program means a severe struggle against the Capitalist and Imperialist oppressors in the colonies. It can hardly be accomplished without an uprising in the colonies or the destruction of some of the capitalist empires through a Proletarian revolution at home. The conquest of political equality in the South and colonies will bring the right to organize, right to vote, and freedom of speech which will not be conceded by the planter-barons, accustomed to holding the Negroes in peonage, without the bitterest struggle–a struggle which will rock to the very foundation that hideous regime. The white capitalist planters not only would lose billions of dollars, being unable to continue their present intense exploitation of the Negro, but they would then be prevented from interfering with his acquiring more and more power in every direction. The granting of the franchise would mean a democratization of political rule in favor of the Negro, and would force the white planter-barons to support the petty Negro bourgeoisie in order to save themselves. This they will not do until they are forced to it.

Economic organization will strengthen not only the Negro but the working class in general. It will line up with labor an element which heretofore has been used to the detriment of the working class. Besides, if ever the Negro is going to achieve his liberation it will not be by his efforts alone but by the pressure of all the organized workers who them- selves will not tolerate the suppression of their brethren, whether they be black, yellow or white.

Our plan should aim to unite the oppressed, strengthen and cement their power. Some of our “leftists” may say, “But that’s all reforms and immediate demands. It does not do away with capitalism?” To them we say that the fulfillment of these demands means intense struggles on the part of the masses themselves and our opportunity to win the masses over to us during these struggles and lead them on to the greater and final struggle. Besides, it is foolish to think that the proletarian masses will ever enter into the struggle against Capitalism consciously fighting for Communism. The case will rather be that they will be goaded through the resistance of the bourgeoisie to their needs and demands, into an open assault upon, and destruction of, the bourgeoisie. Especially will this be so in the United States. The American worker will not fight for theories but he will fight like hell for his dinner pail, and the capitalists will less and less be able to give it to him. As far as the masses are concerned our task is to develop the struggle and lead it. It is up to us to learn how, and know where we are leading and whether we are leading well.

Organization Paramount.

In order to accomplish the above program it is not sufficient to merely propagate the ideas. It is necessary to organize the sentiment at the same time. This cannot be done very well except by uniting all the radical Negro organizations, and using this organization to attract all the Negro militants. We will then be able to develop a center capable of influencing the Negro masses and organizing the struggle. It is all very well for our comrades to join any organization where the Negro masses are, but to unite the struggle and organize its leadership they must belong to a center which will, on a large scale, conduct the fight.

In our work among the Negroes, we must not overlook a very simple, but important factor. This is the question of satisfying as much as possible the purely human factor in our work. The desire for enjoyment, dances, exercises, song, music, games, displays, parades, etc., must be met. Through these gatherings there is not only the possibility of raising funds but also of cementing the working class spirit, and many times to reach the most backward elements which otherwise could never be touched. There, in personal company and good spirit, is the opportunity for intensive individual propaganda, getting of new members, and sale of literature. These are important factors in our work. If we do not provide for relaxation, the capitalists and their henchmen will, thus strengthen their influence. Experience shows, in innumerable instances, that those organizations grow strong politically and in membership which have recognized these purely human factors. For doing such work we will need meeting halls and rooms, owning such places outright wherever necessary. Meeting halls are centers of organizations. They furnish the connection, they act as tools for the work. The more the better.

We must be realists if we are going to meet the real problems confronting the American workers. And the Negro problem is a most vital one. Our task is clear. We must not falter.

Emulating the Bolsheviks who changed the name of their party in 1918 to the Communist Party, there were up to a dozen papers in the US named ‘The Communist’ in the splintered landscape of the US Left as it responded to World War One and the Russian Revolution. This ‘The Communist’ began in July 1921 after the “Unity Convention” in Woodstock, New York which created the Communist Party of America, Section of the Communist International uniting the old CPA with the CLP-CPA party. With Ruthenberg mostly as editor the paper acted as the Party’s underground voice, reporting official party business and discussion. The Toiler served as the mass English-language paper. This ‘The Communist’ was laid to rest in December, 1922 with the creation of the above-ground Workers Party. An invaluable resource for students of the formation of the Communist Party in the US.

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/thecommunist/thecommunist6/v1n04-oct-1921-com-CPA.pdf

PDF of issue 2: https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/thecommunist/thecommunist6/v1n05-nov-1921-com-CPA.pdf