West Coast Marxist theorizer of industrial unionism, Austin Lewis sees no turning back to the old, exclusive day of craft unionism.

‘The New Spirit of Labor’ by Austin Lewis from Industrial Worker. Vol. 4 No. 23. August 29, 1912.

(Written especially for the Industrial Worker)

What has become of the old craft union doctrines? The passage of time and industrial friction have obliterated their every trace. Who talks now about “a fair day’s work for a fair day’s pay”? It would make even the young apprentices giggle; it is ridiculous as only the statement of an outworn creed can be. Wages and hours, formerly burning questions, have now become secondary and incidental. The control of the job seems much more important and even that expression itself is losing some of its sanctity. Fatal requests for a definition of the phrase, analysis, which dissolves like mordant acid, are at work on it. What is control of the job? It is already generally con ceded that the old idea of a closed shop with its high-priced union card and a business agent who is as much, at least, the agent of the employer as of the worker, is practically exploded.

That most subversive of doctrines regarding the impossibility of the organization of unskilled and low-priced female labor has received its death blow at Lawrence, and a score of places on the East coast. On the Pacific Slope, too, the hopeless migratory has conducted splendid campaigns in British Columbia, which for endurance and pluck are worthy to be ranked with labor’s notable fights. Everywhere the practicability of a homogeneous and united labor movement becomes more evident.

Along with many of the old trade union concepts has gone much of the faith of the Socialist working man in the efficacy of political action as a revolutionary force. More than ever be becomes impressed with the fact that politics is a game in which he can play but a very insignificant part, and in which he is largely at the mercy of forces over which he has little or no control.

Just in proportion as faith in political action disappears, the necessity for united industrial action makes itself more manifest. It is, in fact, curious to note how completely the rebound has come among those workers who have hitherto expected industrial enfranchisement by virtue of the political franchise. The recognition of its futility has produced a reaction, one of actual hate against politicians and politics, on the one hand, and of dull apathetic indifference to politics and its participants on the other. As a result the pendulum has perhaps, as usual, swung too far, for while it is clear to most that politics has lost its efficacy as a revolutionary force, it still remains as a counter in the game, and even the vices of politicians may occasionally be turned to good account by proletarian leadership.

However, be all that as it may, the essential necessity of vigorous industrial movement is now thoroughly recognized. During the last year it has received unexpectedly sharp stimulus and by reason of actual conflicts on the Industrial battlefield has directed more attention to itself than the most sanguine of us anticipated. On the continent of Europe as well as in this country a series of sharp engagements has given notice that the forces are massing for what the Internationale calls “the final conflict” whose termination is the absorption of the human race in the ranks of labor. In Australia on the other hand the reactionary tendencies inseparable from the old trade union movement have declared themselves in governmental measures establishing conscription and compulsory arbitration by fine and imprisonment.

Facts have then, as is their way, disposed of a whole heap of controversial matter which has choked the avenues of the labor movement for many years. We have seen many illusions shattered, many brave flags of theory hurried from the field riddled to rags, many leaders discredited. More than all we have seen the capitalist class in the entire English speaking world produce an almost incredible program of social and political reform, so that, as one of the greater capitalist papers recently remarked, Debs must feel quite conservative in comparison with Roosevelt.

But the value, indeed the necessity, of all upon which the Industrial Workers have laid emphasis is more obviously evident now than hitherto. The principle of industrial unionism is more generally conceded than ever; the theory of the struggle at the point of production; of “direct action”; in spite of calumniation and abuse is more definitely and coherently fixed in the minds of the proletariat. Everywhere the fundamental concepts of our movement are more generally conceded; in the ranks of our former enemies we find an ever-increasing number of new friends, Better than all, we recognize a universally stronger grasp by organized labor of the essential spirit of working class solidarity. When the Industrial Workers were arrested in Oakland last March one of the delegates to the Labor Council said that it was sufficient to enlist his sympathies that the man abused was called an Industrial Worker for said he “I stand by any old work. er” and the Council signified its acceptance of that point of view by its applause. Moreover when the Socialist Party of that city abandoned the Industrial Workers, the working class showed its disapproval by refusing to go to the polls at the recall election. Everywhere we find traces of the same sentiment, and a general tendency to get closer together based upon a more widely diffused comprehension of the tenets of industrial unionism.

That this spirit will be tested and strengthened in the immediate future appears to be clear. Signs of a temporary improvement in trade are not lacking. There is little doubt too, that with the loosening of the intensity of the capitalist grip produced by a greater demand for labor, a series of strikes will follow. In fact we shall probably have a repetition of what has occurred in Great Britain. There a resumption of “good times” produced those strikes which are still the wonder of the industrial world, and which have done so much to place industrial unionism in a strategic position. It would seem at least probable that the same phenomenon will show itself in this country and that such strikes as may occur in the near future will be distinguished by a closer resemblance to so-called “syndicalistic” methods than we have yet seen. This will hardly be denied among even the conservative members of the trade unions. In fact it is generally admitted.

A concentration of interest on unity of action at the point of production can hardly fail to produce the most effective results. The tendency of the labor movement is towards that recognition of unity of aim in spite of divisions of craft. This is evidenced in many ways by the eagerness with which some craft unionists advocate a recognition of the Industrial Workers card, by the keen interest taken in the goings of the young organization; by actual Joining of the organization by members of craft unions where circumstances permit; by taking part in protest meetings and other forms of activity on behalf of the industrial organizations. Steadily and rapidly, much more rapidly indeed than the overstrained partisan fanatic can estimate, a transformation is taking place in the spirit and aims of the entire labor movement. Unity is being produced out of all its discordant and too frequently jarring elements.

The Industrial Union Bulletin, and the Industrial Worker were newspapers published by the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) from 1907 until 1913. First printed in Joliet, Illinois, IUB incorporated The Voice of Labor, the newspaper of the American Labor Union which had joined the IWW, and another IWW affiliate, International Metal Worker.The Trautmann-DeLeon faction issued its weekly from March 1907. Soon after, De Leon would be expelled and Trautmann would continue IUB until March 1909. It was edited by A. S. Edwards. 1909, production moved to Spokane, Washington and became The Industrial Worker, “the voice of revolutionary industrial unionism.”

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/industrialworker/iw/v4n23-w179-aug-29-1912-IW.pdf