A relatively short contribution, but an important piece of Comintern history is this speech by a delegate of Tunisia, Tahar Boudengha, in the discussion on the first comprehensive programmatic statement by the Comintern on the colonial revolutions held at the Fourth Congress in late 1922. Boudengha challenges the reliance in determining Party policy on French colonials, demanding the Algerian section of the Party should be expelled for violating the eighth condition for admittance to the International: “A particularly marked and clear attitude on the question of the colonies and oppressed nations is necessary on the part of the communist parties of those countries whose bourgeoisies are in possession of colonies and oppress other nations. Every party that wishes to belong to the Communist International has the obligation of exposing the dodges of its ‘own’ imperialists in the colonies, of supporting every liberation movement in the colonies not only in words but in deeds, of demanding that their imperialist compatriots should be thrown out of the colonies, of cultivating in the hearts of the workers in their own country a truly fraternal relationship to the working population in the colonies and to the oppressed nations, and of carrying out systematic propaganda among their own country’s troops against any oppression of colonial peoples.”

‘The French Colonies and Communism’ by Tahar Boudengha from Bulletin of the IV World Congress. No. 19. December 1, 1922.

Tahar Boudengha (Tunisia and the French colonies). Comrades, I do not think that it is necessary to read to you my report, as each of the various language groups have received a copy, I will therefore limit myself to elaborating certain points of my report.

French imperialism has colonies not far distant from the Homeland, which enables it easily to recruit its forces either for future wars or for stifling the proletarian revolution in France.

At the same time there is an insurgent in North Africa. The Communist nucleus which was formed in Tunisia after the Conference has taken advantage of this movement. Owing to the seriousness of the situation which may arise in the event of a proletarian revolution, it is doing its utmost to prevent French capitalism from getting the native population of North Africa entirely into its power. In order to accomplish this task, we have approached the workers and peasants either through our Arabian dailies or through public meetings. We were so successful that the government became alarmed and made domiciliary visits and arrests. It even proclaimed our Party illegal which forced us to carry on underground work. I must admit that this act of the government as well as the suspension of our Arabian papers has done us great harm, for our activities were not limited to Tunisia, but extended throughout the whole of North Africa. I must also state that Comrade Loezon approached the French Party several times for a subsidy for our press. At last, owing to the good services of some influential comrades, he received a loan of 10,000 francs from “Humanite”. Moreover Comrade Vaillant-Couturier paid a visit to Algiers and Tunis and could judge for himself of the spirit which animated the natives. He came to the conclusion that there were very good elements in the city as well as in the rural districts for a purely Communist proletarian movement.

What was the attitude of the Managing Committee, however, after Vaillant Couturier’s tour? It is not enough to make propaganda. One must organise continual activity not only in Tunis, but also in all the colonies where there is any discontent.

In order to do this, the Party must have a well defined programme of colonial action, for the colonial policy of French capitalism consists in inciting the peoples which are under its domination against each other. Thus it happened that in Tunis, owing to the attitude of the Tunis sharpshooters during the events of April 5th last, French militarism established there two bridges [sic] of black troops.

The French Communist Party has not yet grasped the usefulness of a realist and effective colonial policy.

On the contrary it has been influenced pseudo-communists of by the Algeria, and adjourned the discussion of the colonial question at the Paris Congress for electoral reasons.

I must read you the letter addressed by the Managing Committee to the colonial study group on the eve of the Congress. It is as follows:

“The Managing Committee adheres to is decision to adjourn the examination of the colonial question, until the National Council, which will be held after the IV World Congress.

“It is of the opinion that the Cantona elections in Algeria are of greater importance for the comrades of the overseas Federations than the colonial study committee seems to imagine. In view of the fact that the elections will not take place until the 15th of October next, and that the most trusted militants of these Federations must participate in them, it is out of the question that the colonial policy of the Party can be definitely fixed during their absence.”

Comrades, it seems that colonial policy of the Party depends only on the citizens of Algeria. These same citizens whom the Party holds of such importance for its colonial policy, have dared to draw up theses which are contrary to the 8^th condition of Moscow. I am going to read you certain passages of the theses on the Sidi-Bel-Abes question in Algeria:

“For these reasons, the communist section of Sidi-Bel-Abes is of the opinion that the liberation of the native proletariat of North Africa can only result from the revolution in the mother country, and that the best means of assisting every kind of liberation movement in our colony, is not to abandon this colony–as it is said in the 8th of the 21 conditions of the adhesion to the III International–but on the contrary that the colonial section remain under the aegis of the Communist Party of France which must extend its propaganda for adhesion to Communism…that it cannot honestly accede to the demands of Moscow etc.”

Consequently, the International is dishonest. Such is the spirit of these so-called Communists which the French Communist Party is still tolerating in its ranks. I will also read to you the Algiers thesis:

“The two first series of articles answer to the needs of the propaganda in Algeria. They were unanimously appreciated, and we had not a greater wish than that many more of the same kind should be published.

“As to the third series, without finding fault with the contents of these articles as they are inspired by a purely communist spirit and deal with the methods of the application of the 8th condition, we should have preferred to see them published in the Communist Bulletin, rather than in the “Humanite” for the former is meant only for a restricted number of militants capable of understanding the ideology and the immediate possibilities expounded in these articles.”

“The “Humanite” especially since Vaillant-Couturier’s tour, reaches the big public, and is read by European and native elements who have not yet acquired communist ideas, themselves, but who have shown sympathetic and whom we hoped to bring over to our side. The imperialist bourgeois press has cleverly used these articles against us. They were frightened by what they imagined to be our plan of propaganda in Algeria, and have turned away from us. The imperialist bourgeois press has made clever use of these articles to our detriment, and the inadequacy of our local press and of our organisations prevented us from explaining the position by entering into sustained polemics.”

So it is dangerous for them to publish purely communist articles! And those are the people who pretend to be wanting to make propaganda amongst the native masses.

Such is the mentality of these so-called Communists.

Elsewhere they say:

“The emancipation of the Algerian native population will only come as a result of the revolution in France.

“The backward native masses, kept in semi-slavery for centuries past, fanatic and fatalist, patient resigned and docile and full of religious prejudices, does not actually conceive their own liberation, and only aspires to a betterment of their conditions by means of reforms and by obtaining certain political rights.

“To obtain any results, it is not necessary to carry on open communist propaganda in Algeria. There is no need to publish in our press calls for revolt, nor distribute leaflets in Arabic as some recommend.

“The publication of the manifesto of the Communist International for the liberation Algeria and Tunis was an error, and he best proof that we are right in saying so, is the fact–that it was reproduced by the bourgeois colonial press with the object of discrediting us in the opinion of the public, which was partly achieved.”

These comrades are evidently anxious not do lose favour with the bourgeoisie.

Lauridan: Who wrote this?

This is the thesis of the communist section of Algeria.

Without wanting to be too insistent I am of the opinion that the French Communist Party must not tolerate within its ranks this type of citizen. I consider that they must be expelled.

I trust that the French comrades, regardless of any tendencies, will set to work immediately after the World Congress, in order to initiate a policy of communist action in the colonies by the establishment of a central organ and the collaboration of colonial comrades in the Managing Committee.

The French comrades must understand once and for all that a proletarian revolution in France is bound to fail as long as the French bourgeoisie will have at its disposal the colonial population. Likewise, the liberation of the latter will only be possible when there will be in France a Party of revolutionary action and not an opportunist Party.

The Communist International must also take the matter in hand by attaching to itself a permanent representative of the French colonies.

I am also of the opinion that the British Party has not done everything which should have been done. What has the British party done in order to support the revolutionary movement in India and in Egypt? Last night the Egyptian commission was looking for some party or other to take the young Egyptian Party under its patronage, and it suggested the Italian Party, while this task should be quite evidently the concern of the British Communist Party. The Communists must not limit their actions to their home territory while ignoring the thousands of people who are oppressed by their bourgeoisie and groan under the yoke of their own imperialists. I am of the opinion that to abandon peoples whose liberation and future depend on a communist Party, as is the case for the British Party, is nothing but cowardice.

On the other hand, comrade Malaka was not quite sure the other day if he should support Pan-Islamism. You must not be as diffident as all that. Pan-Islamism at the present juncture is nothing but a union of all the Musulmans against their oppressors. Thus there is no doubt whatever that they must be supported.

On the other hand, questions of religious nature came to oppose the development of communism. In Tunis, we had the same difficulties as you in Java. Every time people came forward to discuss with us the non-assimilation of communism with Islamism, we invited these mischievous people to meet us in public debate. We proved to them that the Musulman religion prohibits the exploitation of labour, this being the principal basis of this religion. Secondly, we told them that if they are so religious, they must begin by applying the religious principles and paying one tenth of their fortunes, including capital and interest, for the benefit of those who are not able to work. I can assure you that every time they debated with us by bringing forward their religious principles, they came off second best.

I think that comrade Malaka’s fears are unfounded. The progress of our ideas among the Musulmans has exceeded all expectations. We have received from all parts of the Musulman world, especially when we still had our Arabic papers, numerous letters of congratulation for our methods of applying Communism in Musulman countries.

Owing to the existence of a revolutionary movement in North Africa, as well as in the other colonies it behooves the French Communist Party, in conjunction with the International and competent colonial comrades, to conduct an efficient and continuous activity in these countries, in order to bring them over to our way of thinking.

I trust that the Congress will accept the conclusions of my report, which are necessary if the communist idea is to triumph among the oppressed peoples.

A transition period will hardly be required in North and West Africa. I am quite sure that we shall go over directly from the feudal regime to the communist regime without going through the intermediary period of native capitalism.

There is already communal land in Tunis and Algeria. This is evidently a form of patriarchal communism, but we must develop it, reform it, and substitute for it integral communism.  

I conclude my statement by greeting the Congress of the International.

Applause.  

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/international/comintern/4th-congress/bulletin/n19-dec-01-1922-Bulletin-IV.pdf