Swabeck, at the time a leading unionist of the Foster-Cannon wing of the Communist Party, with a succinct, popular outline of their labor union orientation. He writes that unions are an essential and central organ of the working class, but only if they function in the interest of the working class; in the United States, the A.F. of L.’s functioning was in the interest of class collaboration in the framework of U.S. imperialism; it was therefore the duty and task of the left wing, conscious of its class interests, to depose the A.F. L.’s leadership; to that duty, the Communist Party must be fully engaged, even at the risk of breaking with progressives in the A.F.L.’s leadership. By extension, a Labor Party in the U.S. faces the same issues, and solution.

‘Every Communist a Union Member’ by Arne Swabeck from The Daily Worker. Vol. 3 No. 35. February 21, 1926.

EVER more clearly the fundamental line of policy pursued by the present trade union officialdom is becoming shaped to fit into the whole framework of American imperialism.

Not only are the various class collaboration schemes being imposed upon the rank-and-file membership in constantly “improved” form to more effectively delude the victims, but a complete theory is cunningly being worked out to justify these schemes; while the unions, viewed from their historical perspective, are losing in membership, in conditions once obtained and in fighting ability.

Surely the antidote to this gradual decay is the building of a virile left wing movement as a prerequisite to infusing the unions with a new militancy. The Communist fractions are the instruments with which to build and strengthen the left wing movement. Unceasing and systematic activities by the Communists within the unions is the only real guarantee for reaching this object. Every Communist must as a first step become a member of a union.

The Role of the Trade Unions.

In order not to draw the wrong conclusions from the present deplorable status of the trade unions, it is well for us to remember Lenin’s statement that: “The trade unions are the elementary class organizations of the workers.” However, not only to acknowledge their value as basic instruments of the masses to defend their class interests and continually improve their economic position but it is also necessary to give conscious, organized direction, to build and strengthen the unions, to fit them for their historic role, viz., to throw masses into action—to become instruments of the proletarian revolution—and to become the principal builders of the new society.

Lenin formulated the tasks of the party in this respect as follows: “The engine is the party, its cogs grip the cogs of the trade union wheel and bring them into motion, the trade unions in turn set into motion the greater masses.”

This, however, will require intensive schooling of the party membership to become equipped with the necessary understanding. We must understand the elementary needs of the unions, learn how to build constructively, acquire the correct approach to the masses and pursue the tactics which will lead to an ever deeper penetration. Ours is the task to completely root out the class collaboration policies which simply lay the basis for outright betrayal to capitalism. As Lenin says further: “That the unions are made up of workers is not enough. They represent an organization of their class only if they pursue a class line, a class policy.”

Class Collaboration in More Modern Clothing.

The latest “achievement” of the trade union officialdom in their endeavors to further tie the unions to the capitalist chariot is the so-called “new wage theory” enunciated by the last American Federation of Labor convention. We quotes in part from the report of the committee on the executive council report:

“…We urge upon wage earners everywhere: That we oppose all wage reductions and that we urge upon management the elimination of wastes in production in order that selling prices may be, lower and wages higher. To this end we recommend cooperation in study of waste in production…

“Social inequality, industrial instability and injustice must increase unless the workers’ real wages, the purchasing power of their wages, coupled with a continuing reduction in the number of hours making up the working day are progressed in proportion to man’s increasing power of production.”

The report was adopted by unanimous vote.

The declaration contained in that last paragraph is, of course, correct and is quite a departure from usual statements coming from that source. But to the American Federation of Labor leadership, and to the trade union leadership in general it represents nothing but a phrase. The real emphasis is being put on the recommendation for cooperation with management toward elimination of waste. In other words to aid in making industry more productive and more profitable.

With this policy the officialdom intends to meet the coming “Open shop” attacks. It is not a class policy but represents a deliberate effort to negate the fighting ability of the trade unions and to destroy their class basis. The more this policy is actually put into effect, the more the results will accelerate the present decay. It is conceived in the same spirit with which President Green made the statement at the last A.F. of L. convention that in America there is no need for the class struggle.

Facts Show Different Picture.

What does our experience show? The class struggle in its most ruthless form,—Mr. Green notwithstanding. Following immediately upon the industrial depression and great unemployment during 1920-21 the employers were quick to take all possible advantage. The “open shop” campaign set in full force stretching way into 1922. No efforts wore spared to attempt to smash the unions. All the forces of government were mobilized to crush the workers’ strikes and help lower working conditions. The unions suffered in every respect. The membership of the A.F. of L., despite the following period of prosperity has gone down from over 4 million in 1920 to 2,877,297 at the end of 1926. Real wages have decreased despite the prosperity period. Although certain trades, such as building trades, have been very fortunate in maintaining their wage standard, the extent of reduction for the multitudes can be measured by the figures published by the U.S. department of labor showing the average wage of common laborers over the whole country in 1920 to be 49c per hour and in 1925 to be 38 cents per hour. Of course, the cost of living was higher in 1920, but nothing further need be said. In many instances the working hours have been lengthened. While the unskilled, unorganized were the heaviest hit, nothing can compensate the unions for their lost fighting ability.

Building the Future Leadership.

The downward slide has reached its crowning debacle in the betrayal of the anthracite miners. 158,000 miners sold out, their strike defeated despite their readiness to fight. The operators won the day and it will become the signal to a renewed union smashing campaign all along the line. The employers will be preparing while the union officialdom prattle about co-operation with employers toward elimination of waste in production. The trade unions, however, will be compelled to fight or succumb. We say choose the former and make it a real job. That necessitates the pursuance of a class policy.

It cannot be expected that the present trade union leadership should pursue such a class policy or regard the trade unions as class organizations. Yet while that remains the task for the future leadership it is necessary meanwhile to prepare the unions for the immediate struggles to come. The Communist fractions must take the initiative. The coming “open shop” campaign, the attempted wage reductions will make the issues clear and also put them on an elementary basis. Naturally it must be along these lines that the fractions proceed to organize and broaden the Left wing. On the simple issues of fights against wage cuts, against deterioration of working conditions, for the organization of the unorganized and the strengthening of the unions and against the policy of class collaboration.

The Daily Worker began in 1924 and was published in New York City by the Communist Party US and its predecessor organizations. Among the most long-lasting and important left publications in US history, it had a circulation of 35,000 at its peak. The Daily Worker came from The Ohio Socialist, published by the Left Wing-dominated Socialist Party of Ohio in Cleveland from 1917 to November 1919, when it became became The Toiler, paper of the Communist Labor Party. In December 1921 the above-ground Workers Party of America merged the Toiler with the paper Workers Council to found The Worker, which became The Daily Worker beginning January 13, 1924.

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/dailyworker/1926/1926-ny/v03-n035-Chi-feb-21-1926-DW-LOC.pdf