Max Bedacht, delegate for the new ‘Unified Communist Party’ to the Third Comintern Congress in 1921, reports on the discussions around Paul Levi, the NEP, and ‘leftism.’. Bedacht was a German-born Marxist barber, Swiss labor leader, who later moved to the U.S. where he was a central figure of the German-speaking Socialist movement, and on the Left Wing. Moving to the Bay Area in 1913, Bedacht became editor of Vorwärts der Pacific Küste. Influenced by the I.W.W. and the specific politics of California, Bedacht was a California delegate to the 1919 Emergency Convention and a founding member of the Communist Labor Party, playing a leading role in the Communist Party until his 1948 expulsion.

‘The Third World Congress’ by James A. Marshall (Max Bedacht) from The Communist (Unified C.P.). Vol. 1 No. 3. September, 1921.

(Delegate, Communist Party of America.)

Impressions.

For the third time in the history of the Communist International delegates from all corners of the world assembled in a world congress. What city would be more fit to shelter the highest forum of the international proletariat than Moscow, the throbbing heart of Soviet Russia! Nowhere in all the world could the contrast between the old and the new impress itself upon the mind of men as strong as in Moscow. Its forty times forty churches still throw the shadow of the mental and physical slavery of past ages across the path of the visiting wanderer. The Kremlin in its ancient splendor still tells the tale of dark days of a suppressed people. But out of all these surroundings, from here, from there, from everywhere, there comes the sound of the marching battalions of workers in arms. The victims of the order of yesterday have become the masters of the order of today, and their battle cry resounds from the high walls and towers of the Kremlin:

Arise, ye prisoners of starvation!
Arise, ye wretched of the earth!

Today the Red Army honors the delegates with a grand parade. The Cathedral of St. Basil still looks as in the 17th century, with all its barbarian beauty upon the Red Square of Moscow. In front of that monument of bigotry there still stands the executioner’s block, a monument of horror of ancient days. But today, over the beautiful square, there carries the voice of the best hated and most feared soldier of a new order, Comrade Trotzky. “Welcome, you spokesmen of the revolutionary proletariat from everywhere! Welcome in Moscow, the capital of revolutionary Russia!”

This great parade of the Red Army on the Red Square represented all festive arrangements in honor of the Third Congress. Moscow greets the delegates rather with repaired streets than with bunting. That was the slogan, and the delegates appreciated it.

Another phase of the congress. Opening day. The former imperial opera house is filled to capacity. The aristocratic officer with his glittering uniform who formerly filled parket, boxes and galleries of that pompous theater is replaced today by the workmen and women of Moscow. Moscow greets its guests through the mouth of Kamenef. Shaljiapin sings, the incomparable Shaljiapin. Yes–the times have changed; once Shaljiapin paid his tribute to the czar when he sang his famous “Boje tzara krani.” Today he sings to us, to workers of the world, and his wonderful voice wakes the workers of Moscow, to the representatives of the enthusiasm of all the thousands present for the watchword of the proletariat:

Workers of the world, unite!

The congress is in session. It is sheltered in the “thron-saal” of the new palace of the Kremlin. The presidium sits on a platform right in front of the Thron. The hall is pompous, but not beautiful. Its builder showed as little regard for cost as he did for artistic taste. Only a few hundred feet away is the Terem. There, in the bedroom of Alexander Michailovitch, Napoleon once camped. There the heir of the French Revolution witnessed the first signs of the collapse of his empire.

But what of these visions of the past? Here, in the Thron-Saal of the new Kremlin palace a vision of the future arises. Three hundred delegates from forty-eight countries are assembled. Here the myth of the free born Briton is dispelled, and British and Indian workers, members of one class, deliberate here about the struggle against their common enemy. Here workers from France and from Germany, from Italy and Japan, persecuted and prosecuted in their home countries, deliberate under the protection of red guards stationed at the gates of the Kremlin, at the entrance of the palace and at the door of the congress hall.

Trotzky Reports.

Trotzky, reporting on the world crisis, unrolls before the congress last year’s development on the theatre of world politics. He shows the complete collapse of the world structure of capitalistic finance. He shows how capitalism in its effort to reach the summit of its glory and profit, has gained a momentum which makes it now slide down on the other side. He shows how all efforts of capitalism to gain a foothold again, to check the downward movement, result only in momentary successes. These successes are breathing spells of capitalism in its life struggle against the proletarian revolution. But although these breathing spells of capitalism invariably signify a momentary defeat of the revolution, still, the revolution, like the fabulous Anteus, will gain new strength from its very defeat and will charge again and again, till the complete collapse of capitalism signals victory. The working class therefore must abandon its passive resistance now and must enter the struggle aggressively.

The reporter for the committee had dealt so exhaustively with the matter and had brought in such unassailable evidence to sustain him, that the discussion hardly brought any new note. An exception was furnished by the delegates of the K.A.P.D. (Communist Labor Party of Germany). This Party was admitted only a few months ago as a sympathetic organization on trial. Its leaders have developed a theory of their own. The basis of that theory is that the Third International is always wrong. From that presumption they prove their case–backward as it is. And the result does justice to this method. The K.A.P.D. maintains that the world capitalists now see the mistake of the war and try to rectify that mistake by burying the hatchet of international competition and establishing an international alliance of exploiters. Wilson’s League of Nations celebrates its rebirth in the heads of those “communists.” But unlike the Wilson monster, the result of a miscarriage of Madame Peace at Versailles, this theoretical child of the K.A.P.D. promises to thrive, and to subjugate finally its antagonist, the working class. That is if you believe the father’s tale about that wonderful child. But then the K.A.P.D. claims to be a revolutionary Party. It realizes that its task cannot be to prove the ultimate defeat of the revolution. Therefore, the wonder-child becomes the bugaboo of these revolutionists. After they have created it they fear it, and that fear dictates to them a tactic to kill it, a tactic as monstrous as its cause. The siren song of the K.A.P.D. converted no one at the congress and the theses submitted by Trotzky were passed unanimously.

Serrati and Levi.

The report of the Executive Committee, given by Zinoviev, opened the Serrati and Levi questions. Serrati was discussed exhaustively. His emissaries, Lazzari and Maffi, defended his course with genuine southern temperaments. Levi did not have that much luck. For the representatives of his faction, Naumann and Mahlzahn, Levi was a “touch-me-not” flower. Under the report of the Executive Committee they refused to discuss Levi because the German question was a special order of business. Under the German question they refused to discuss Levi because his case was decided when the report of the Executive Committee was adopted. Stoically did they permit the merciless execution of Levi. Radek, in spite of his always ready remark, “permit no one to provoke you,” did his best to provoke Levi’s sympathizers to speak up for him–or against him. But in vain. They knew that they were traveling on dangerously thin ice, and stepped carefully.

“Leftism” Buried.

“Leftism” was stepped upon heavily. Lenin, Trotzky and other irreproachable leaders of the International showed that “Leftism” is by no means a virtue. It is no counter-balance against the “right.” Where “Leftism” reigns supreme the “rights” make hay. The impossible and abstract dogmatism of the “Leftists” delivers the working masses over to the leadership of the reformists, the centrists and the right. Realistic tactics, dictated by a Marxian understanding and judgment of the situation, and a wise use of all the available forces, will advance the cause of the revolution and defeat the reformists in their struggle for leadership.

A discussion of the tactics of the Russian section of the International gave occasion for another lesson to the “Leftists.” A betrayal of communism, some called the concessions, given by Soviet Russia to foreign capitalists. First, these critics were shown that it is child’s play to criticize any action. Such action was an attempt at solving a concrete problem. The problem demands solution. Any criticism of a proposed solution is unsound and even dishonest if it persists to be negative. It does not suffice to prove that this or that should not or must not be done. The problem is there. It demands action. Honest criticism presupposes the proposal of another solution in place of the one criticized.

Soviet Russia’s Foreign Policy.

Soviet Russia cannot exist as an isolated state within a capitalist world. This is the problem. Two solutions are possible. One puts the burden of the action upon the revolutionary working class outside of Russia. The other must be carried out by the workers of Russia. The first is the overthrow of capitalism in the countries of Europe or America, and the establishment of a proletarian dictatorship there. The other is a method to break the deadly economic isolation of Russia. The proletariat of Russia hoped for the first solution. It waited until it could wait no longer. It now proposes to break the unbearable economic isolation. The concessions policy is one of the methods of doing it. But then, you say, concessions to foreign capitalists are a betrayal of the fundamental principles of the workers’ state. Comrade Trotzky answers: “Will you permit the Workers’ Republic to buy a little honest capitalist locomotive, say in Germany. No objection–good! But any such little thing must be paid for, paid in gold or its equivalent. Do you object paying for the locomotive? No–good! Well now, we have no gold to spare, but wood. Any objection to paying with wood instead of with gold? No–good again! But wood in its natural stage is a forest. It must be cut and shipped. Any objection to this operation? No–all is right then. Now, instead of we ourselves cutting and shipping (we lack facilities for that), we try to pay for the locomotives with the forest. We tell the foreign capitalist: Here is a forest. That is our payment for your little honest capitalist locomotive. But you must cut it and ship it. We allow you to bring in the necessary machinery for that operation (because we lack them). Then we permit you to employ us, the workers of Russia, at our conditions, which must be the same as those in Soviet institutions. In other words, we give you concessions to cut this forest and ship it out of the country. Well, now, what do you say? You still object? Your objection seems to originate in the forest. And amidst all the trees you can not see the forest.”

An Historical Gathering.

The Congress is a very impressive gathering. The great tasks to be accomplished give it a more solemn than an enthusiastic face. Admiration for the achievement of our Russian comrades, for their great sacrifices and their indescribable sufferings fill every delegate with a deep desire to help, by bringing about the natural and best solution of the problems of Soviet Russia, the world revolution. Weighed down by a full conception of the tremendous responsibilities of a revolutionist, disillusioned. of all romanticism, the delegates return to their homes, back to their posts.

One last look at beautiful Moscow. One last handshake with new friends from all corners of the earth one has learned to love and to respect. And then homeward we travel, determined to do our duty in full and without reservation.

The Third Congress of the Communist International is now history. But the impressions received there will and must have their effect. They must result in increased activities of all the sections the world over. The fourth congress will then be a review of our activities and a reckoning with those that have failed to do their duty.

Emulating the Bolsheviks who changed the name of their party in 1918 to the Communist Party, there were up to a dozen papers in the US named ‘The Communist’ in the splintered landscape of the US Left as it responded to World War One and the Russian Revolution. This ‘The Communist’ began in July 1921 after the “Unity Convention” in Woodstock, New York which created the Communist Party of America, Section of the Communist International uniting the old CPA with the CLP-CPA party. With Ruthenberg mostly as editor the paper acted as the Party’s underground voice, reporting official party business and discussion. The Toiler served as the mass English-language paper. This ‘The Communist’ was laid to rest in December, 1922 with the creation of the above-ground Workers Party. An invaluable resource for students of the formation of the Communist Party in the US.

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/thecommunist/thecommunist6/v1n03-sep-1921-com-CPA.pdf