The full text of Hertha Sturm, Chair of the International Women’s Secretariat, response to the discussion (here and here) of her main report at the Fourth Communist Women’s Congress in June, 1926, the final genuine one to be held. A central figure in the proletarian women’s movement both before and after the creation of the Third International, Hertha Sturm’s contributions were enormous, and deserving of much greater recognition and understanding. Born in 1883 as Edith Fischer, she became a schoolteacher at 19. After several years of teaching, she left for Leipzig University in 1911, the same year she joined the Social Democratic Party, to pursue higher education. A rarity, Sturm received her doctorate in Social Economy in 1914. Taking a leading role in the Party’s women’s work, she worked closely with Clara Zetkin and others. On the internationalist left, Sturm was an original member German C.P. 1919 and was imprisoned for activities with the Bavarian workers’ republic. A German delegate to the 2nd Comintern Congress in 1920, she became a leading force in the emerging Communist Women’s movement. Strurm organized its first international gatherings as member of the Comintern’s International Women’s Secretariat. She led the Western European Bureau based in Berlin from 1921-24. Though she would lose her positions in the German Communist Party as a ‘rightist’ in 1924, she relocated to Moscow and continue here work under Clara Zetkin in the International Women’s Secretariat, organizing and leading its conference and work. By October, 1928 changes in the Comintern made Sturm’s ‘rightist’ associations incompatible with the new Third Period and she returned to Germany, where she lost Party positions but remained a member. Sturm (also known by her married name Edith Schumann) was arrested immediately on the Nazi’s taking power in March, 1933. After her release she began work with the anti-fascist left Socialists in the Neu Beginnen underground group. Arrested against September, 1935, she was tortured and reportedly attempted suicide. March,1936 she was sentenced to five-year prison, after which the historical record of this pioneering and leading Communist who helped define a proletarian women’s politics and led antifascist resistance, ends. She likely perished in jail or in the war’s mass bombings.

‘Reply to International Women’s Secretariat Report Discussion’ by Hertha Sturm from International Press Correspondence. Vol. 7 No. 38. July 6, 1927.

Concluding Speech of Comrade Sturm on the Report of the International Women’s Secretariat and the Immediate Tasks.

The Commission on the Report of the International Women’s Secretariat and the Immediate Tasks, which was attended by representatives of all the important sections, has taken into consideration, in discussing the thesis on the first point of the agenda, the results of the discussion of all central points. It came to the conclusion that this thesis is acceptable in the main, with certain supplements and strengthenings which all go in a definite direction. The red thread of our directions and discussions is to be expressed still more definitely, viz. that the winning of the women workers in the factory, the organising of women delegate meetings is the central point of our activity. I will mention only the important changes.

In the discussion of the introduction to the thesis it became evident that there were certain nuances concerning the character of these theses, the tasks of this Conference. We believe that the great experiences and successes of Russian comrades on this field, especially also in recent times, as described by Comrade Artunkhina in her big report, will be a political support, a strengthening for our brother Parties in West and East towards a recognition of this work as a field not standing in the background but a big important partial field of the work of our Communist Parties as a whole.

In this sense we undertook also to strengthen the formulation in point 2 of the thesis. By giving broader discussion to the first central directive: “strict integration of work among women in the whole work of the Party”.

The second central point of our work is the transfer of the centre of gravity of our work to the winning of women workers in the factory and trade union. The discussion at this Conference has brought out this point even much more clearly than did the conference of 1924.

In the Commission there were 3 remarks of political interest. Our English brother Section which has had considerable success in work among the women so that a successful work can be done if all forces are mobilised 100% even with the small staff of forces–600 women Communists in a total Party membership of 6,000 as against a gigantic powerful reformist organisation–this very British section proposed a diminution of the recognition of its successes since the Party recognised quite clearly that they have only accomplished a beginning.

In appraising the work of our French brother Party it was expressed that the Party was working under extraordinary difficult conditions. This was recognised. Hence, certain critical remarks concerning the deficient organisational consolidation of propaganda successes was somewhat weakened, in conformity with a formulation by Comrade Faussecave.

The third remark was a proposal by our Finnish comrades. With respect to our presentation of the activity of the Finnish Party in the Women’s delegate meetings she called our attention to the fact that we can only speak in Finland of efforts, of beginnings. The Commission has recognised the correctness of this proposal but at the same recorded that the same holds true for Germany and England. That is why identical formulations were used with respect to these three countries, in which the organising of their delegate meetings is designated as only the first efforts and beginnings.

In the paragraph concerning the extraordinary political importance of the propaganda for Soviet Russia the importance of the press propaganda, in addition to the utilisation of workers’ delegations, is to be stated more broadly.

The paragraph on the reaction to the tactics of our opponents is to be somewhat more extensive and refer to the past weakness of our Parties on this field.

In the paragraph concerning the women peasant and women agricultural workers the task is to be expressed in a more positive form, and Poland and Germany are to be added to the countries enumerated as those in which work among peasant women can now be begun.

In the chapter on the immediate tasks there is lacking a paragraph on the question which was made exceptionally clear in the report: the necessity for the further extension of the Women’s Departments of the Party apparatus, with strictest integration into the general Party apparatus. One number must be interpolated into these contents.

The theses, with the proposed supplements and changes were adopted unanimously by the Commission.  

I will now proceed to a political statement of the work of the Commission by giving a brief outline of the results of the debate on the first point of the agenda. The conference showed that in the main there prevails a powerful unanimity among our Sections and between the Sections and the International Women’s Secretariat. We have been convinced that the policy according to which we have endeavoured to carry on the work has met with understanding. The Sections have contributed to the strengthening of this policy, so that we now have the assurance of continuing to work uniformly and unitedly.

 In all questions up for discussion it could be seen that our Sections have grasped very well the central point of our work. All delegates have expressed with great determination and definiteness that the central point of our work must be the reaching of the women workers in the factories.

Nevertheless we had a central principal opposition at our conference. It was represented by Comrade Malm of Finland. Even though she appraises the importance of the women’s delegate meetings very highly, even though she approaches the question with great enthusiasm, we nevertheless believe that there is still lacking here an altogether clear conception of reaching the women workers on the basis of the factory nuclei. But we believe after her last statement with respect to the women delegate meetings, that the broad discussion will contribute to the clarification of this basic question in our Finnish Section, so that we will have no further deviations in the future work.

Of another sort was the deviation of the Swedish Section. This unvolved an under-estimation of the special role played by the Party apparatus for work among the women. Now that Comrade Sillen has stated that the practice of the Party is better than its theory, that it has dons a certain concrete successful work, we believe that we will overcome this deviation especially if in the immediate future we occupy ourselves more with the work in Sweden than was possible hitherto.

In appraising the work of the Women’s Secretariat on the part of the Sections I would like to begin with the point which contains a certain criticism of the activity of the Women’s Secretariat. Several delegates expressed in more or less direct form that the relations between the International Women’s Secretariat and the Sections were not sufficiently close I believe that without any danger to our prestige we can admit quite openly that our connection can unquestionably be better than heretofore. We gladly accept every practical proposal for a better, closer contact.

A very far-reaching proposal was made by Comrade Olsen. She asked whether it would not perhaps be in the interests of a rapid connection of the Women’s Departments with the E.C.C.I. if all reports were sent direct to the Land Secretariats. Technically there is no objection in this question because the Land Secretariat and the International Women’s Secretariat are served by the same apparatus. But if the proposal is to have a political meaning that the reports of the Women’ Departments of the Sections shall also be dealt with by the respective Land Secretariats, this would mean the liquidation of the International Women’s Secretariat, and this, under our international statutes, we could never agree to.

When we admit that we must establish closer connection we also have prospects, furnished by definite guarantees, that we will be able to carry this out. After the last Plenum the whole apparatus of the E.C.C.I. was reorganised. Thereby the E.C.C.I. has a more systematic and intensive connection with the Sections, and the Women’s Department has closer contact with the rest of the E.C.C.I. apparatus. Thereby we believe that with the support of the Land Secretariats we shall be able to do our work more thoroughly in the future.

Furthermore, the Women’s Department will be strengthened, and I believe that the Conference should welcome this also. Another Russian comrade will work with us full time in order to establish the closest connection with the Women’s Department of the C.P.S.U. and utilise these experiences for the other Sections. Furthermore we will draw additional representatives from the Western countries for work in the I.W.S., especially one French and one British comrade, who, on the basis of their intimate knowledge of the situation in the various countries, will be able to render affective aid.

The International Bulletin which we plan has been welcomed on all sides. Comrade Alexander has spoken in detail about it and has expressly characterised it as a means for the better international connection of our work.

Now as to the appraisal of the work of our Sections by the International Women’s Secretariat and by this Conference. We are forced to speak unreservedly about certain shortcomings. But despite all shortcomings we have recognised everywhere that in the last two years a considerable and successful work has been done. Even if in connection with general Party crises in some Parties retrogression took place, we are now nevertheless on a good road in most, if not in all Sections.

In certain Sections, especially in France, we observe a certain mood of pessimism, a lack of self-confidence, a disbelief in success under difficult situations. Precisely our French comrade who have taken over the heritage of the Great French Revolution, should not be depressed. The working class in France is fully able to solve the tasks put to it, if it has a goal-conscious and strong leadership in the Communist Party.

A word on a question that seems of extraordinary importance to me: the work of our Russian brother Section. The great report of Comrade Artiukhina, which was supplemented by reports of responsible Party workers from the various provinces in Russia, a Moscow-Rayon Women’s Department, and a factory nucleus, has opened up tremendous perspectives for us. There is probably not a single participant in this conference that is not under the deep lasting impression of how vast are the successes of the work among the women in our Russian brother Party, and how manifold is the plentitude of suggestions resulting from this work for us in the West and in the East. In our great admiration for this work we must confess that in general we have learned far too little as yet from our Russian brother Section. We must learn more than hitherto. For this purpose we must establish a much stronger collaboration with the Russian Party, and we must inform our Sections more extensively and more thoroughly concerning the work among the women in Russia.

But this question has still another side which is likewise very serious and important for us. The Russian Party will be able to support us in our international work all the more effectively, the more exactly it is orientated on the conditions in the West and in the East. Nine years of Soviet power lie behind us. The Russian Party is today working under entirely different conditions, in the building of socialism in its country it is faced with entirely different problems as compared with the Parties that are still to wage the struggle against capitalism. Even though the old Bolshevik cadres of leading comrades, men and women, have at their disposal a plentitude of experiences from decades of struggle against Tsarism the great tasks of the present demand such a straining of forces that it is almost impossible for them to occupy themselves in detail with the situation and conditions of the work in the other countries. We nevertheless have the greatest interest in that our Russian brother Party shall also know the questions of our international work, that it shall struggle and work with us so that we may arrive at a joint clarification of aims and methods.

Therefore, we on our part must do far more than hitherto in order to furnish our Russian brother Party, by means of a systematic extensive and thorough reporting service on the work of the Sections, the necessary material for the most fruitful and possible collective collaboration between the West, the East, and the Soviet Union.

When upon the conclusion of the Conference, our delegates will meet with our Russian women workers and peasant women in Leningrad and in Ivanovo-Voznesensk, they must help to create close relations between the working women of the West and East and the working women in Soviet Russia.

A last word about the usefulness of our Conference at this time. According to the decisions of the V. World Congress such a conference should have taken place much earlier, but we could only call it after the VI. Plenum. We had serious misgivings, the time was very short, the forces for preparation were weak. Above all Comrade Clara Zentkin could not participate in the preparation and conduct of the Conference. Despite all this we decided to carry out the Conference now because we consider it to be politically necessary. This decision was correct. The Conference has shown the great value of our talking face to face so that in joint discussion we may find out what was good and what was bad in our work. We saw where we must get busy in order that in the future our work may be even more successful.

Above all however, our conference was necessary from a larger, general political standpoint. The fact that upon the basis of thorough debates we have come to the result that the general policy of our work was correct, that it must be continued, this gives us a great assurance in continuing the work, and this gives you also, in the Sections, encouragement to strengthen your activities. The Conference therefore gave us the opportunity of amalgamating all our forces for definite practical work.

Two months of intense activity in working over the results of our Conference, preparatory to the winter work lies before us. In the autumn we already contemplate starting the first women delegate conferences in various countries. We, the representatives of the Women’s Department, active functionaries in the work among the women, must become a factor in the Party, not a mechanical apparatus but a living limb in the Party organism. We do not wait for the “Party itself” to do this work. It is rather our task, as a driving force with full energy and initiative to establish for work among the women the importance that it deserves.

In this sense our Conference was necessary and successful. Our Parties realise that all forces must be aroused in order to reach our goal. They will carry out the tasks set for them by the Conference. (Applause.).

International Press Correspondence, widely known as”Inprecorr” was published by the Executive Committee of the Communist International (ECCI) regularly in German and English, occasionally in many other languages, beginning in 1921 and lasting in English until 1938. Inprecorr’s role was to supply translated articles to the English-speaking press of the International from the Comintern’s different sections, as well as news and statements from the ECCI. Many ‘Daily Worker’ and ‘Communist’ articles originated in Inprecorr, and it also published articles by American comrades for use in other countries. It was published at least weekly, and often thrice weekly. A major contributor to the Communist press in the U.S., Inprecorr is an invaluable English-language source on the history of the Communist International and its sections.

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/international/comintern/inprecor/1927/v07n38-jul-06-1927-inprecor-op.pdf