For a flavor of the struggles fought by the I.W.W. against Eastern mill-owners in places like Paterson, New Bedford, Little Falls, and Lawrence this proclamation penned by a Lawrence striker facing five years jail for its publication is an excellent example.

‘Proclamation of the Lawrence Strikers’ by Thomas Halliday from Industrial Worker. Vol. 4 No. 18. July 25, 1912.

A RINGING PROCLAMATION

In connection with the Lawrence strike eight workingmen have been indicted for conspiracy. They are, respectively: William D. Haywood, William E. Trautman, William Yates, Ettor Gainni, Thomas Halliday, Edmund Rossoni, James P. Thompson and Guido Mazzerrelli. Each and everyone of those men are a credit to the working class whom they so creditably represented. To know the work of these men is to know the nature of the conspiracy they are alleged to have concocted. Everyone of them labored in the open, in full view of the public and for the working class, with success.

There is Thomas Halliday, for instance, a quiet, blue-eyed weaver, 30 years of age, an Englishman by birth; but in this country since a mere child. His crime was to write some of the letters written in reply to the mill owners. These letters were well-tempered, accurate and possessed considerable literary quality. They always hit the mark and made a favorable impression for the workers’ side. This constitutes Halliday’s chief offense; he was too effective in his labors to be allowed at large.

Besides writing such letters, Halliday wrote a ringing proclamation. This proclamation stirred New England; it is plain, outspoken and true. Read it:

PROCLAMATION OF THE STRIKING TEXTILE WORKERS OF LAWRENCE, MASS.

We, the twenty thousand textile workers of Lawrence are out on strike for the right to live free from slavery and starvation, free from overwork and underpay, free from a state of affairs that had become so unbearable and be yond our control that we were compelled to march out of the slave pens of Lawrence in united resistance against the wrongs and injustice of years and years of wage slavery.

In our fight we have suffered and borne patiently the abuse and calumnies of the mill owners, the city government, police, militia, state government, legislature and the local police court judge. We feel that in justice to our fellow workers we should at this time make known the causes which compelled us to strike against the mill owners of Lawrence. We hold that as useful members of society and as wealth producers we have the right to lead de- cent and honorable lives; that we ought to have homes and not shacks; that we ought to have clean food and, not adulterated food at high prices; that we ought to have clothes suit- ed to the weather and not shoddy garments; that to secure sufficient food, clothing and shelter in a society made up of a robber class on the one hand and a working class on the other hand, it is absolutely necessary for toilers to band themselves together and form a union, organizing its powers in such form as to them seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.

Prudence indeed, will dictate that conditions long established should not be changed for light or transient causes, and accordingly all experience has shown that the workers are more disposed to suffer while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves, by striking against the misery to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and ill-treatment, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them to a state of beggary, it is their duty to resist such tactics and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these textile workers, and such is now the necessity which compels them to fight the mill owning class.

The history of the present mill owners, is a history of repeated injuries, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these textile workers. To prove this let fact be submitted to all right thinking men and women of the civilized world. These mill owners have refused to consider their demands in any way that is reasonable or just. They have, in the security of their bayonets and policemen’s clubs, defied the state, city and public. In fact, the city of Lawrence and the government of Massachusetts have become the creatures of the mill owners. They have declared that they will not treat with the strikers till they return to the slavery against which they are in rebellion. They have starved the workers and drive them to such an extent that their homes are not homes any longer, inasmuch as the mothers and children are driven by the low wages to work side by side with the father in the factory for a wage that spells bare existence and untimely death. To prove this to the world the large death rate of children under one year of age in Lawrence proves that most of these children perish because they were starved before birth. And those who survive the starving process grow up the victims of malnutrition.

These mill owners have charged the strikers with violence and then in the best of times they have paid the workers a starvation wage. They have built large mills within the last ten years, and paid annual dividends, and they ask the workers to submit to a wage that a coolie would despise. They have pitted the women and children against the men and so brought wages down to a level where an honest living is beyond the average textile worker. They have introduced improved machinery into the factories and thrown the workers out of the street to starve, or used the surplus labor created by labor-saving machinery to grind the lives out of those who were fortunate enough to have a job. These mill-owners not only have the corrupting force of dollars on their sides, but the powers of city and state government are being used by them to oppress and sweep aside all opposition on the part of these over-worked and under-paid textile workers. The very courts, where justice is supposed to be impartial, are being used by the millionaire mill owners. And so serious has this become that the workers have lost all faith in the local presiding judge. Without any attempt at a trial, men have been fined or jailed from six months to a year on trumped-up charges, that would be a disgrace even in Russia. This judge is prejudiced and unfair in dealing with the strikers. He has placed all the strikers brought before him under excessive bail. He has dealt out lengthy sentences to the strikers as if they were hardened criminals, or, old-time offenders. He has refused to release on bail two of the leaders of the strike, while he released a prisoner charged with conspiracy and planting dynamite, on a thousand dollars’ bail. He sentenced, at one morning’s session of court, twenty-three strikers to one year in jail on the fake charge of inciting to riot. This Judge has declared he is opposed to the union that in conducting the strike.

The brutality of the police in dealing with the strikers has aroused them to a state of rebellious opposition to all such methods of maintaining order. The crimes of the police during this trouble are almost beyond human imagination. They have dragged young girls from their beds at midnight. They have clubbed the strikers at every opportunity. They have dragged little children from their mothers’ arms and with their clubs they have struck women who are in a state of pregnancy. They have placed people under arrest for no reason E whatever. They have prevented mothers from sending their children out of the city and have laid hold of the children and the mothers violently and threw the children into the waiting patrol wagons like so much rubbish. They caused the death of a striker by clubbing the strikers into a state of violence. They have arrested and clubbed young boys and placed under arrest innocent girls for no offence at all.

The militia has used all kinds of methods to defeat the strikers. They have bayoneted a young boy. They have beaten up the strikers. They have been ordered to shoot to kill. They have murdered one young man, who died as a result of being bayoneted in the back. They have threatened one striker with death if he did not close the window of his home. They have bayoneted ono citizen because he would not move along fast enough. And they have held up at the point of the bayonet hundreds of citizens and civil war veterans.

The city government has denied the strikers the right to parade through the streets. They have abridged public assemblage by refusing the strikers the use of the city hall and public grounds for public meetings. They have turned the public buildings of the city into so many lodging houses for an army of hirelings and butchers. They have denied the strikers the right to use the Common for mass meetings, and they have ordered the police to take little children away from their parents, and they are responsible for all the violence and brutality on the part of the police.

The Massachusetts Legislature has refused to use any of the money of the state to help the strikers. They have voted one hundred and fifty thousand dollars to maintain an army of fifteen hundred militiamen to be ready to shoot down innocent women, children and men who are out on strike for a living wage. They have refused to use the powers of the state for the workers. They have appointed investigation committees who declare after perceiving the signs of suffering in the part of the strikers on every side, that there is no trouble with these people.

All the nations of the world are represented in this fight of the workers for more bread. The flaxen-haired brother of the North marches side by side with the dark-haired brother of the South. They have toiled together in the factory for one boss. And now they have joined together in a great cause, and they have cast aside all racial and religious prejudices for the common good, determined to win a victory over the creed of the corrupt, unfeeling mill-owners, who have ruled these people so long with the whip of hunger and the lash of the unemployed.

Outlawed, with their children taken away from them, denied their rights before the law, surrounded by the bayonets of the militia, and driven up and down the streets of the city by an overfed and arrogant body of police, those textile workers, sons and daughters of the working class, call upon the entire civilized world to witness what they have suffered at the hands of the hirelings of the mill-owning class. These men and women cannot suffer much longer; they will be compelled to rise in armed revolt against their oppressors if the present state of affairs is allowed to continue in Lawrence.

***

For writing this proclamation, especially the last sentence, Halliday is now threatened with five years’ imprisonment as a conspirator. If Halliday were an untruthful writer in the employ of the capitalist class, he would receive a good salary. But he labors only for the working class, the jail will be his reward, if the working class permit it.

Rally to Ettor and Giovannittl’s defense; free them and the conspiracy charges will collapse.

The Industrial Union Bulletin, and the Industrial Worker were newspapers published by the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) from 1907 until 1913. First printed in Joliet, Illinois, IUB incorporated The Voice of Labor, the newspaper of the American Labor Union which had joined the IWW, and another IWW affiliate, International Metal Worker.The Trautmann-DeLeon faction issued its weekly from March 1907. Soon after, De Leon would be expelled and Trautmann would continue IUB until March 1909. It was edited by A. S. Edwards. 1909, production moved to Spokane, Washington and became The Industrial Worker, “the voice of revolutionary industrial unionism.”

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/industrialworker/iw/v4n18-w174-jul-25-1912-IW.pdf