Document from the International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers of the R.I.L.U. held around its Fifth Congress in late 1930.

‘Role and Tasks of the Native South African Proletariat’ from The International Negro Workers’ Review. Vol. 1 No. 1. January, 1931.

The South African Native masses are groaning under the blood thirsty yoke of oppression and exploitation of British imperialism and the local white bourgeoisie. Mountains of grievances are piled up against ancient, colonial, and semi-colonial robbery, plunder and oppression. The British imperialists and the white South African bourgeois rulers control the principal industries, mining, manufacturing, railroad enterprises, agricultural production and the export trade. They rob the country by squeezing the life blood out of the native masses. They squeeze billions of pounds out of South Africa each year. They are crushing the already slave conditions of the natives down to the breaking point. They are doing this in order to keep up their super profit making and to push the burden of the fall in price of goods, the shrinkage in the export trade, the whole burden of the economic crisis, down upon the backs of the Native toilers. The white bourgeois State is increasing vicious legislative measures against the Natives like the Riotous Assemblies Act; and they are bringing on worse serf conditions with laws like the Hertzog Native Bills. At the same time the South African bourgeois parties (The South African Party and the Nationalist Party) and the British imperialists are more openly and closely joining together against the Natives under the policy of complete unity of all bourgeois forces in South Africa and at London against the Natives. This policy was outlined and dictated at the recent imperial Conference at London where British imperialism strengthened her control over the Dominion. When Natives fight against their slave and serf conditions, they are met by the police and soldiers of the bourgeois State with clubs and guns—like what happened at the Johannesburg Demonstration against unemployment, like what happened at the Durban boycott Demonstration; like what happened on Dingaan Day Demonstration. The Imperialist with their bourgeois State mean to keep up the poverty and backwardness of the natives, to obstruct their advancement in every way and to continue their policy of mass extermination of natives people. British imperialist supremacy is the basis of the endless suffering of the native masses. They have on their side not only the white reformist trade unions but the black reformist leaders like Kadalie and the intellectual and petty bourgeois leaders of the African National Congress. Only by struggling against British imperialist supremacy and white bourgeois rule can the natives gain their independence and establish self-determination for the native people; the trade union organizations must stand in the fore front of this struggle.

The political party of the working class—the Communist Party—acting independently as a class revolutionary party will organize and unite all the revolutionary forces of South Africa, lead the struggle to overthrow the present bourgeois rule; and carry through the nationalist revolutionary struggle, to set up a Native Republic with full safeguards for the racial minorities—Europeans, Asiatics and others, and organize the country on a socialist basis.

It is our aim here to outline the tasks and role of the Native proletariat in the struggle in South Africa. But in order to have a clear view we must give a brief picture of the South African background.

Coming of the imperialists to South Africa

Who are these robbers who have come to your country? How came British imperialist domination and white bourgeoisie rule in South Africa? What have they done there? And what are the tasks of the native proletariat in the struggle to better their daily conditions, protect themselves from physical and moral extermination; and to assist the struggle to kick out these robbers?

The Europeans came to South Africa at a very early date. They came professing to consolidate the country, for its growth, advancement, and to better the conditions of the native masses. But in reality their aim was 1) to make huge profits through the port of entry and off the marauding traders, 2) the traders [the Dutch East India Company, etc.) aimed to gobble up everything they could that would bring a pound or a dollar through cheating and robbing the natives, 3) to drive the natives off their land and to take the best and richest for their own selfish use, 4) and, instead of the advancement of the natives, to degenerate them morally and physically, squeezing every drop of blood out of them, by slavery, serfdom and to exterminate them. This we shall show.

The Europeans settled at Capetown and robbed the country through trading and marauding. The British and Boers began to break the power and resistance of the natives for the control of their lands by the defeat of the powerful Zulus under Dingaan in 1838; they forced a Treaty, taking the best and richest land around Natal. The whites then used a policy of “divide and rule” and set up civil war between the tribes which all but broke the power and resistance of the natives, and gave the whites easy sailing. In 1879 the Zulus were again defeated.

Meanwhile “Her Majesty’s Government” at London instituted a series of ruthless campaigns in the Capetown region, breaking completely the power and resistance of the Amaxosa, or “Kafirs”. She broke up their tribes, confiscated their lands and left them in a frightful condition of economic dependency and slavery. The Basutos in like manner had their lands taken. In the Transvaal, the best upper lands of the natives were taken; they drove them into the locations and reserves of the lowlands which were most unhealthy regions and which were already overcrowded; or they drove them into the European owned farms. In 1884 the British Government at London gave independence to the Transvaal and the Orange Free State under the whites, with absolute disregard for the natives, their rights and their conditions. In 1885 every inch of even the last “locations” were gone from the natives. Then set in more bloody British imperialist and white bourgeois rule und reign.

General Condition of Natives in South Africa

There are in the Union of South Africa 5,277,023 Natives (Negroes); 1,738,937 Europeans; 761,623 Coloureds, Asiatics, and others (over 500,000 of these are coloured); a total of 7,777,583 inhabitants. The Natives therefore are 67,7% of the entire population.

The Union consists of Capetown, the Orange Free State, Natal and Transvaal, having a total of 417,917 square miles; of this the Europeans own 260,000,000 acres and the natives own 40,000,000 acres.

Four and a half million natives live on the “land”, two and a half million of these live in the reserves and “locations”, the remaining two million live on European owned farms. Even a bourgeois writer says that the masses of natives on the reserves are living at the starvation point, and those on European owned farms are below even this. Each year the needs of the natives increase, while taxes for cattle dipping and other charges drive the able-bodied men to the cities as wage-earners. In the Herschel district some 40,000 natives consumed on an average of £3 per year and one half of this had to be earned in the cities by the able-bodied men and brought back to the reserves. By spending their time in the cities the able-bodied men are lost to the reserves, resulting in lower production in the reserves, then comes the drought with no measures against it, then as the Europeans artificially force up land values the natives are pushed off the reserves into the already overcrowded “locations”. The struggle for food is fierce. The death rate is high.

The infantile death rate in 1924 in one of the Transvaal regions was found to be over 500 and is on the increase now. Health department reports show that typhus is prevalent throughout native regions; scurvy coming from poor nourishment is also prevalent; in 1929 in Zululand malaria was most devastating. A careful investigation in the Grahamtown district for the period from 1904 to 1916 showed a very high infantile death rate, births exceeding deaths in only two of the twelve years. About the same time in East London it was 400 out of a thousand. In Johannesburg in 1922—1924 the infant death rate was “enormously high”, 565 out of a thousand. At Pietermaritzburg in 1929 eleven infants out of 83 born, lived. In one Reeftown recently every infant born, died.

In the European owned farms “native labour is bred” in the low fever stricken regions, and held to be drawn on when big crops come. The natives are otherwise contracted to work for 180 day periods, 14 days on and 14 days off. This spacing of their time is done not only to keep them from going to the towns, but to spread their time over a longer period, and they are not paid for the time in between. Women and children are bound to the farms for 365 days a year. In Transvaal, on some of the farms, often no wages at all are paid, where wages are paid they are as low as 2 or 3 shillings per month, with cast off clothing, refuse and other pieces of animals killed for the master’s needs, thrown in. In reality and actual practice the natives are nothing more than serfs, semi-serfs and slaves.

In the Transvaal in 1929 only £ 96,000 was spent for native education while £ 3,000,000 was spent for European education; there are usually only two or three schools for 20,000 native children. In the Union in 1928 there were 324,706 native students in school up to the fourth grade, everything above fourth grade is considered higher education, but in reality there is no higher education for the natives. For the training of natives in these schools the state grants only £340,000 yearly. During 1928 there were 342,033 European children in school; the state grants an average of £7,000,000 yearly for their training. It is clear under these conditions that everything is being done in health neglect, in lack of education, in industry and in agriculture to keep the natives from advancing. One South African puts it quite bluntly: It becomes a question of preservation of white civilization. If we want to hold our own we must exterminate the natives.”

Imperialist Robbery—Development of Native Proletariat

With the discovery of minerals natives were forced into the mines, and with this began the growth and the development of a native proletariat. But the great mineral wealth, and profits from industrial and agricultural products go to the British imperialists and the white bourgeoisie. From the time that gold was first discovered an endless flow of this precious metal has poured into the coffers and banking houses of the white rulers and foreign imperialists, principally Great Britain. From 1868 to 1929 £1,005 million of gold was produced; from 1884 to 1929 229,051,118 fine ounces was refined (40% of the gold produced by the entire world during this period). The value of all other minerals produced since 1884, including diamonds, coal, copper, tin, etc., was over £405 million. Diamonds was first in value at £294 million; coal was second in value at £84,062,894; the total mineral production since earliest times has been valued at £1472 million. The value of the manufactured products for South Africa, since 1911 has been over £2 1/2 billion

Foreign trade is one of the most important items and sources of income for the bourgeoisie. From 1906 to 1929 the export trade was £1,900 million.

In the mining industry since 1922 an average of 241,445 natives have worked each year. They received an average of £814 million in wages or £29 for each worker. During the same time 35,386 Europeans received £8,000,000 yearly or an average of £200 per worker; the bosses took over £20,000,000. In 1918 the total income of the mining industry was £47,737,738 of this £1814 million went as wages for all the workers, the natives receiving £7 ½ million of this; the net proceeds to the bosses were £22,000,000. Or take 1928. The mines earned £66,406,372, of this 20 million went for wages; less than £9 million went to 321,087 natives; over £10 million went to 38,000 Europeans; the bosses put away £46 1/2million.

These are enormous figures, and while it may be difficult for the average native worker to grasp the full significance of them, still it is important for him, carefully to study them in order to know who the robbers are and to raise his class consciousness, understanding that his “purpose” in life is not to be a slave for the exploiters, (as he is taught by their agents, preachers, etc.) but that it is His duty and task to struggle to overthrow the robbers and oppressors and help to organize the distribution of the wealth to toilers and workers who produce it.

These figures show that not only the huge profits made by the capitalists and the imperialists, but the super wages paid the European workers is done at the expense of the Native workers. The wages of the upper sections of white workers is sometimes 600% and usually 400% higher than the wages of the native workers. Even the Federated Chamber of Industry is forced to admit that the wages paid the European workers is due to, and dependent upon, the employment of large numbers of native workers. The white worker in South Africa however is fast losing his favored position. The bosses are not only bringing natives in as unskilled labourers but they are using them as semi- and skilled workers, in many cases displacing the whites. The position of the white workers is becoming worse. Their attitude to the native worker only help the bosses. The conditions of both black and white are being lowered. The wage of a semi-skilled native worker in Durban is not more than £3 per month, usually only £2%. The cost of maintaining a native family, even according to state figures, is 6/10 per month. In wide sections of the mining fields there has not been an increase of wages for the natives for over 30 years.

Compound life of the native workers is most terrible. It is worse than herding cattle into pens, conditions of this kind are worse than slavery, the “N***r” should be ruled with a Sjambok (a whip) they say, and in the mines the whips are used freely every day. These conditions should not be endured by any human being.

The natives through taxation are forced from the reserves by the thousands to the towns to earn a living. Being unfamiliar with city conditions and industrial life they are forced into competition with the workers already there, which lowers the wages of all the workers. There is no trade union organization to bring the workers together to fight the bosses. The living level of the native workers can be judged by the fact that all they own or expect to own is a blanket, and perhaps a few cooking things. They have a little rice or some dried fish to eat. By lying figures the imperialists try to show that unemployment does not affect the natives. But it is only through the tribal habits, of sharing and dividing food that the unemployed natives receive any relief and native unemployment is disguised. Also, despite the insistence of the mine-owners that few workers are hurt by the negligence of the owners in providing safety devices, still figures show that a very small item is spent by the mine-owners for the safety of the mines, some mines have been allowed to run so many years without repairs that “costs of repairing them now is prohibitive”. The main difficulty and weakness of the native proletariat is the lack of Trade Union Organization, especially in mining and the most important and basic industries.

Tasks of the Native Proletariat of South Africa

In 1930 there were 354,330 native workers in the mining industry; constituting 90% of the workers in this industry. There are over 125,000 native workers in the production or manufacturing industries, constituting around 65% of the workers, in transportation there are around 40,000, constituting about 35% of the railroad workers. In the lesser trades and crafts, like clothing, bakeries, food, etc., there are a few. In all the industries of South Africa the native workers constitute the vast majority around 75%, the other 25% are largely the favoured whites. In agriculture there are around a half million native workers, with a sprinkling of whites.

The first and foremost task of the class conscious workers of South Africa is the organization of the workers in these basic industries—mining, manufacturing, transportation, and the agricultural workers. The fundamental weakness of the South African workers is the lack of organization in these industries. These industries must be organized on the industrial basis of organization, that is, one industrial union for each industry and for all the workers of that industry. These Unions must be class-struggle Unions, energetic organization, must be carried on throughout each industry on the shop basis of organization, factory committees, shop delegates, pit committees (in the mines), action committees and strike committees. The setting up of these committees must be done against all reformists, against all talk about class collaboration, against any cooperation with the bosses, against reformists like Kadalie and Ballinger, against all reformist meddlers. These committees should become real live militant organs of the workers, fighting against the bosses for the improvement of the conditions of the workers.

Another task of the factory committees must be the organization of self-defence groups in order to guard the workers against the attacks of the bosses and their police. Self-defence corps often will have to guard meeting places, defend picketers, etc. Defence corps must have the closest cooperation of all the workers.

On this basis and fighting for the interests of all the workers regardless to race the Federation of Non-European Trade Unions must become a mass organization, functioning throughout the country, a real revolutionary trade union centre unifying all the workers of South Africa—Europeans, Coloureds, Indians, etc., for revolutionary struggle. It must fight for the following demands and conditions:

1. For the right of the workers to organize, for the complete freedom of trade unions, or the right of assembly.

2. For equal pay for equal work (Natives with Europeans) for men, women and youth.

3. For an increase in wages. (In mining there has not been an increase in 30 years.)

4. For a working day of not more than 8 hours for grown ups, 6 hours for youth. Introduction of 6 hour working day in dangerous work, like for example, mining.

5. For compulsory weekly rest days and annual holidays with full pay.

6. For insurance against unemployment, sickness, accident; for old age pension, etc., all to be paid for by the state.

7. For the complete abolition of all forced labour, contract labour, and systems of bondage.

8. For special demands and rights for the Portuguese Natives already imported to South Africa.

9. Away with the compound system.

10. Away with pass restrictions and curfew laws.

11. For abolition of all racial barriers, colour bars and caste systems.

In addition, there are a thousand and one other demands in South Africa for the improvement of the life of the workers such as providing of toilets, workers’ inspection supervision, especially in the mines where the danger to the life of the workers is great.

Other Tasks

The most important task of the trade union movement of South Africa is the development and training of native trade union leaders, who must be drawn up right out of the shops, factories and pits. The most militant, active, class-conscious workers must come forward to lead their fellow workers. Another task is the building of a trade union Press, issuance of leaflets and pamphlets in native languages and finally close contact must be established with the revolutionary International labour movement.

Agricultural Workers

The class-conscious workers in the cities and industries must help their brother agriculture workers on the plantations and farms, organize to fight, against serf and slave conditions, the forcing of the Natives off the farms with taxation, against compulsory labour, against spreading their work time. Contact must also be made with the peasant toilers.

At this moment everything points to a heightening of the class struggle in South Africa. On the basis of the many grievances and the deplorable conditions of the workers, and the growing offensive of the bosses against the native workers, imminent class battles are ahead. A strike situation flaring up the whole of South Africa is in store for the near future. Careful attention must be given therefore to strike tactics, the preparation and leadership of strikes. (See “Study Corner” this issue.)

The South African proletariat must not forget and must keep it ever before them, that the full and complete betterment of their conditions, that full and complete protection of the interests of all the workers, that the achievement of self-determination for the natives and the setting up of a Native Republic for the organization of the country on a Socialist Basis, cannot be had before British Imperialist supremacy and white bourgeois rule is destroyed. You must build powerful revolutionary trade unions. You must accept the guidance and leadership of the Communist Party, the only party of the working class and oppressed millions of South Africa.

First called The International Negro Workers’ Review and published in 1928, it was renamed The Negro Worker in 1931. Sponsored by the International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers (ITUCNW), a part of the Red International of Labor Unions and of the Communist International, its first editor was American Communist James W. Ford and included writers from Africa, the Caribbean, North America, Europe, and South America. Later, Trinidadian George Padmore was editor until his expulsion from the Party in 1934. The Negro Worker ceased publication in 1938. The journal is an important record of Black and Pan-African thought and debate from the 1930s. American writers Claude McKay, Harry Haywood, Langston Hughes, and others contributed.

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/international/comintern/negro-worker/files/1931-international-negro-worker-worker-review-v1n1-jan.pdf