With the Lettish comrades, Revolutionary Age, and the Socialist Propaganda League of America headquartered there, Boston was a central city of the emerging Socialist Party Left Wing with Massachusetts being one of a handful of State organizations to be expelled by the lame-duck Right Wing leadership in mid-1919. Here a report on the Massachusetts State Convention, representing 5,286 members in 1919, which voted overwhelmingly to affiliate with the Left Wing and new Third International. Leaders of the early Communist movement, almost exclusively to the Communist Party side of the divide, to emerge from the state included John J. Ballam, Antoinette Konikow, Joseph Zack Kornfeder, and John Schwartz.

‘The Left Wing Sweeps Massachusetts’ from The Revolutionary Age. Vol. 1 No. 34. June 7, 1919.

THE State Convention of the Socialist Party of Massachusetts, held at Allston, May 30, 31 and June 1, a complete victory was scored by the Left Wing, by revolutionary Socialism. On all fundamental issues and resolutions, the Left Wing conquered by a vote of more than three to one. The convention favored a complete reorganization of the party policy and practice in accord with revolutionary Socialism.

The minority issued a protest against the decision of the convention to send two delegates to the Left Wing Conference, June 21, on the ground that this act violated the party constitution. The protest was signed by 48 delegates, representing Finnish branches, who withdrew from the convention. The moderates tried to hold a rump convention of their own, but it was a fizzle; after which some of the Finnish delegates returned to the Party Convention. The protest was made a part of the convention record, with the comment that the party constitution does not forbid conferences of the membership for purposes of agitating within the party for changes in policy and practice.

This convention marked a real revolution in the Socialist Party of Massachusetts. Last year the Left Wing was in the minority, as in all previous conventions. But in one year the Left has conquered power. The important resolutions will indicate the revolutionary spirit of the Convention. This is the resolution on the Left Wing Manifesto and Program:

“Whereas, the international Socialist movement is in process of reorganization, accepting a new militant policy and practice in accord with the revolutionary requirements of the epoch of the final struggle against Capitalism; and

“Whereas, the new Communist International alone represents revolutionary Socialism, with which every Socialist Party adhering to fundamental Socialism must affiliate; be it therefore

“Resolved, by the Socialist Party of Massachusetts, in convention assembled, that we accept the Left Wing Manifesto and Program as a basis for reconstructing the national platform and policy of the Party, and align it with the Socialism of the Bolshevik-Spartacan International.”

Recognizing the necessity “of organizing all the communistic or Left Wing elements of the Socialist Party” in order “to conquer the Party for the revolutionary class struggle,” the convention resolved:

“To urge all locals of the party to elect delegates to the National Conference of the Left Wing of the Socialist Party, June 21, on the basis of one delegate for every 500 members or less.

“2. That the Convention itself elect two delegates to participate in the Left Wing Conference.”

The two delegates elected were John Ballam, editor of the new state organ, The New England Worker, and Marion Sproule, State Secretary.

Turning to the class struggle in action, the convention adopted the following resolution on the Winnipeg strike:

“The Socialist Party of Massachusetts, in convention assembled, greets the general strike of the workers of Winnipeg and Toronto as one of the increasing skirmishes in the great struggle of the working class against their brutal exploiters and oppressors, the capitalists, now being waged in all the countries of the world.

“This strike is a school of revolutionary practice for the Winnipeg and Toronto workers; but it is of much wider significance as a tremendously important example to the workers of Canada and all other countries.

“It gives encouragement and invaluable assistance to our comrade-workers of Russia, Communist Germany and Hungary; it provides stimulus and inspiration to the working class struggle all over the world. The Winnipeg and Toronto, strike proves that the old passive strike is dead, that it cannot break the power of the capitalists, and that the strikes of the workers must become general, adopting more militant tactics against Capitalism.

“It demonstrates, moreover, the utter bankruptcy of Capitalism and shows the urgent necessity of the working class of the whole country using the general mass strike against decayed Capitalism and its state, in augurating the government of the industrially organized workers and Councils, with full control of all industries by the working class.”

In conformity with this resolution, the convention adopted a resolution unequivocally accepting industrial unionism, which was overwhelmingly defeated in previous conventions.

Resolutions were adopted sending the convention’s fraternal greetings to Eugene V. Debs, Big Bill Haywood and all other class war and political prisoners now in jail; while another resolution calls “upon the working class of America to defend their democratic rights by means of united and energetic proletarian mass action-liberate the political prisoners of your class by general political strikes and demonstrations; assert your rights of free speech and assemblage by defying the violent forces of the capitalist class.” The resolution protesting against intervention in Russia declares that “only the resolute action of the workers of the invading countries can end the murderous ad- venture of the capitalists, by means of revolutionary pressure.” The resolution protesting against intervention in Finland and the atrocities of the White Guard government protected by the Allies, sends fraternal greetings to the Communist Party and the masses of Finland.

The resolution accepting the Communist International was adopted amidst inspiring enthusiasm:

“Whereas, the National Executive Committee of the Socialist Party in January aligned our Party with the social-patriotic international’ at Berne representing the worst elements of the old International; and

“Whereas, the N.E.C. at its recent session repudiated Berne but equally repudiated the Communist International formed at Moscow-a miserable dodging of the issue characteristic of the compromising ‘centre;’ and “Whereas, the Communist International alone re- presents revolutionary Socialism; be it therefore resolved:

“1. That the State Convention of the Socialist Party of Massachusetts condemns the N.E.C. attitude as treason to international Socialism, the Socialist Party and the working class.

“2. That we demand immediate and unequivocal withdrawal of the Socialist Party from the old International and Bureau.

“3. That we call upon the membership to affiliate alone with the Communist International of the proletarian revolution.”

Having conquered the power of the party, the Left Wing realized that, to hold and use this power, new methods of agitation are necessary in accord with the mass character of the proletarian struggle. The platform adopted cuts out all the old reforms and petty bourgeois “demands” and proposes a clear-cut class struggle. The following declaration (which is to be elaborated into a systematic plan of agitation by a committee of three) was adopted in order to cut the party loose from the old petty bourgeois “liberal” agitation:

“Besides the usual methods of propaganda in the streets and hall meetings.

“We recommend to all members of the Socialist movement to give more attention to their own workplaces, the shops, mills, factories, yards and mines,–where you can reach all of your comrade workers.

“All Socialists in a shop or mill must get together and organize shop committees. Study the conditions of the exploitation of the workers, and find ways to bring it home to them and show the way out.

“Local leaflets that deal with the miserable conditions in a particular shop or mill are of the greatest value as propaganda. The down-trodden slaves, who scorn Socialism in print, or who are so tired or intimidated that they don’t read Socialist leaflets on general topics, are very much interested in what concerns them ‘bodily’ and can be stirred to action.

“The next step is a mass meeting in the shop or at the gates. Speakers in overalls can be interchanged between departments or shops in order to avoid detection by bosses, or brought in from the outside.

“Then comes the strike, which up to this time has been outrageously neglected by the Socialists, and left almost completely to the labor. fakirs of the A.F. of. L. Socialist activity in the shops means mass action on the part of the unorganized; it means mass action by the membership itself of unionized shops instead of bargaining with the bosses by union officials. If a fraction of the funds that Socialists collect for the support of strikes were used for organized mass action, the country would assume a new aspect in a brief time.

The strike in itself in most cases is of more value as a method of propaganda than of material gain. Meetings and leaflets during strikes are important means of proletarian mass education that Socialists cannot afford to neglect. Mass education does away with the old prejudice of ‘won’ and ‘lost’ strikes. Every strike is won if the masses are stirred to action and receive an education in class consciousness and the class war,–where ‘lost’ means simply a temporary retreat and preparation for a new attack against the enemy–Capitalism.

“Shop committees provide real useful work for every Socialist himself, and brings into action the proletarian masses-the regiments of the Social Revolution.”

The final resolution adopted by the convention was one severely condemning the N.E.C. for its usurpatory actions at the recent sessions:

“The National Executive Committee of the Socialist Party, at its session of May 24-30, decided:

“1. To expel the Socialist Party of the State of Michigan, for alleged violation of the national platform and constitution of the party,–without giving the Michigan comrades a hearing.

“2. To refuse to tabulate and make public the votes on the recent party referendum to elect members of the N.E.C., international delegates and international secretary.

“3. To approve the expulsion from the party of the Left Wing branches of Local New York, and the expulsion of Locals Queens, Kings, Buffalo, Roches- ter, Tonawanda and language branches.

“4. To suspend from the party the Russian, Lettish. Polish, Lithuanian, Ukranian, South Slavic and Hungarian Federations of the party, because these Federations are Left Wing.

“The purpose of these usurpatory actions, which expel at least 40,000 revolutionary members from the Socialist Party, is to retain control of the Party for the petty bourgeois reformers by means of (a) stealing the elections, which have overwhelmingly favored the Left Wing candidates, and (b) by packing the national Party convention to be held August 30, so that the moderates and Right Wing shall control the convention.

“Comrades! The convention of the Socialist Party of Massachusetts protests vigorously against the outrageous actions of the N.E.C.–the majority members of which are traitors to Socialism. We express our solidarity with the expelled comrades.

“We demand:

“1. An immediate reinstatement for the Michigan comrades.

“2. The immediate recall of the motion suspending the Language Federations, this suspension being a violation of the national Party constitution, which gives power of suspension or expulsion to the state and local organizations, on which ground we refuse to recognize this suspension.

“3. The immediate tabulation and publication of the votes on the referendum election.

“We urge the Socialist Party of Michigan not to recognize its expulsion, and still function as the Socialist Party of Michigan.

“We suggest to the suspended Federations to stay within the party as members of state organizations.

“We urge that Left Wing delegates be elected to the convention of August 30. The revolutionary Socialists are the Socialist Party.

“Our answer to the brutal, reactionary N.E.C. must be a more intense and uncompromising struggle to conquer the Party for revolutionary Socialism, for the Communist International.”

The convention, finally, urges that The Revolutionary Age become the central organ of the national Left Wing of the Socialist Party, and recommends to Local Boston placing the Age at the disposal of the Left Wing Conference.

The Revolutionary Age (not to be confused with the 1930s Lovestone group paper of the same name) was a weekly first for the Socialist Party’s Boston Local begun in November, 1918. Under the editorship of early US Communist Louis C. Fraina, and writers like Scott Nearing and John Reed, the paper became the national organ of the SP’s Left Wing Section, embracing the Bolshevik Revolution and a new International. In June 1919, the paper moved to New York City and became the most important publication of the developing communist movement. In August, 1919, it changed its name to ‘The Communist’ (one of a dozen or more so-named papers at the time) as a paper of the newly formed Communist Party of America and ran until 1921.

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/revolutionaryage/v1n34-jun-07-1919.pdf