Modern capitalism begins its colonization of Iceland with growing unions, strikes–the class war–inevitably following in its wake.

‘The Class Struggle in Iceland’ by Arvid Hansen from International Press Correspondence. Vol. 10 No. 28. June 12, 1930.

Developments in Iceland form a striking proof of Lenin’s theory of the irregular and sporadic development of capitalism. Iceland is one of the youngest capitalist countries of the world. During the great war, and still more of late years, the development of Icelandic capitalism has proceeded at American speed. It is characteristic of this development that the capital, Reykiavik, counts in inhabitants one quarter of the total population. Motor car traffic is increasing, means of traffic are being modernised, electrification has been commenced, and technics are gaining the upper hand in agriculture. The value of the exports rose from 48 million crowns (1 crown = 11 d) it 1926 to 80 million crowns in 1929.

The prime minister of Iceland, in an interview with a representative of the Danish newspaper “Politiken”, Copenhagen, boasted that there are no unemployed in Iceland. According to his account Iceland is thus an island of the blessed, where there are only happy people. In reality, however, matters are very different. In Iceland capitalism has created the same class antagonisms, the same social abuses, as everywhere else, and here too it signifies nothing but exploitation and oppression, therefore trade unionist and political workers’ associations have sprung up in Iceland as in other places, and the proletariat seeks to defend itself by these means against the abuses of capitalism.

Many people still believe that the island is inhabited only by peasants and fishermen. Statistics show that 40 per cent of the population lives by livestock breeding. 30 per cent by fishing, and the remainder by trading, handicrafts, and small industrial undertakings. But Iceland has already its fisher proletariat, forced into existence by the industrialisation of the fishing undertaking. There are other factories too, including several electric works. There are many building and transport workers, and many agricultural labourers on the large farms. It is true that trades are not very finely differentiated in Iceland; as a rule the same men are employed as building or transport workers, or as sailors, according to the season, but developments are indubitably tending toward putting an end to these primitive conditions. The coming of the railways, and the capitalist modernisation of agriculture, are accompanied by the erection of new factories. The increased activity of foreign capital will also in all probability accelerate industrial development during the next few years.

During the crisis of 1925-26 the workers were obliged to submit to considerable cuts in wages. As a matter of fact, the Iceland worker is in a worse position than the workers in most of the democratic countries. His working day is 10 to 12 hours, sometimes even 16. Wages are low, and, what is still worse, most of the workers have no definite occupation. A motion for unemployment benefit, submitted to the Parliament in 1928 on the initiative of the communists, was rejected by the majority. The old workers are dependent on poor relief. In the fishing centres the housing conditions of the workers are extremely bad, and in the rural districts even worse. It is by no means rare for the farm labourers to have to sleep in the same stall as the pigs. In places where there are no workers’ organisations, the conditions under which the workers live are far below the so-called “minimum of subsistence”.

Under such circumstances as these, the class struggle developes and intensifies in Iceland. A report from a young Icelandic workman contains the following:

“There can be no doubt that in Iceland too a radicalisation of the workers is beginning. The two parties–the Progress Party and the Social Democratic Party–which had petty bourgeois radical programmes in the post-war period, and were in opposition to the then government party of the Conservatives, have now been in power for three years, and have proved that they too are in reality hostile to the workers. The workers are realising this more and more, and are showing this by leaving the Social Democratic Party and following the more radical trends. The fishers’ strike of 1928-29 was led first by the Social Democrats and afterwards by the Centrists. A social democratic editor was thrown out of a workers’ strike meeting for advocating the acceptance of the arbitrators, In reality the Centrists pursued the same policy, and succeeded in getting a compromise accepted, but the strike demonstrated the fighting will of the workers, and showed that the masses of the workers are seeking some other remedy than the ‘peace policy’ of the Social Democrats.

The Congress held by the Workers’ Federation in 1929 bore further witness of the radicalisation of the workers. One of the participants declared that this was the best congress he had ever attended. All the Centrists adopted an extremely radical attitude, accepted many of our proposals, and called the Social Democrats severely to account. Many of them declared themselves to be Communists. The worst point about this congress was that the difference between Centrists and Communists was not made clear. In the season July to October 1929 our fraction had the leadership in the Workers’ and Seamen’s Association in Siklafyord. Instead of inviting the employers to negotiate, a tariff was drawn up under the guidance of the Communists, and the slogan proclaimed that work was to be stopped at once for any shipping company refusing to accept this tariff. This wages tariff, 1,35 crowns per hour during the day and 2,50 crowns for overtime, was issued for the first time in connection with the slogans in preparation of the Mayday demonstrations The workers showed themselves extremely willing to take up the fight, and the tariff was realised to 100 per cent. It need not be said that it is of the utmost importance to have a powerful Communist movement in such places as Sliklafyord and Vestmanneyjum, dependent on seasonal work, since in the season workers flock in from every part of the country, and the determined attitude of the Communists exercises a great influence over them.”

A further proof of the radicalisation process among the Icelandic workers is the attitude of the Social Democratic press. Our Iceland comrade refers to this in another report:

“Whilst the Social Democratic central organ promotes the governmental policy to an increasing extent, at the same time it publishes articles of a friendly tendency towards the Soviet Union (formerly it never wrote anything at all about the Soviet Union), and other articles sympathising with the Communists. In this way the Social Democratic leaders are trying to retain a hold upon the opposition in the labour movement.”

We see that the class struggle follows inevitably in the wake of capitalism, and Iceland forms no exception to the rule of development of capitalist countries. Hence the revolutionary workers of Iceland must celebrate the Thousandth Anniversary of the Allting (Parliament) in their own way. They must “celebrate the jubilee” by taking decisive steps toward the formation of a Communist Party in their country.

International Press Correspondence, widely known as”Inprecorr” was published by the Executive Committee of the Communist International (ECCI) regularly in German and English, occasionally in many other languages, beginning in 1921 and lasting in English until 1938. Inprecorr’s role was to supply translated articles to the English-speaking press of the International from the Comintern’s different sections, as well as news and statements from the ECCI. Many ‘Daily Worker’ and ‘Communist’ articles originated in Inprecorr, and it also published articles by American comrades for use in other countries. It was published at least weekly, and often thrice weekly.

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/international/comintern/inprecor/1930/v10n28-jun-12-1930-inprecor-Virginia.pdf