Written for an impending conference of the P.P.T.U.S., nearly every word of this document remains relevant as a working-class, internationalist response to migrations is proposed.

‘Problems of Migration’ by S. Stoler from Pan-Pacific Monthly (San Francisco). No. 31. September-October, 1929.

[The following article is of especial significance to the trade union movement of the Pacific area for the questions of immigration are more sharp and complex in the Pacific than anywhere else in the world. The tasks arising from this problem of breaking down racial prejudices and national barriers which still divide the exploited classes and oppressed peoples to the advantage of the exploiters and oppressors, of organizing the unorganized, of establishing international trade union unity, etc. were taken up at the Second Pan-Pacific Conference, the decisions and resolutions on which will be published in a later issue.-EDITOR.]

I. The Problem

THE problem of immigration and emigration is indissolubly bound up with the class struggle. Its political, economic and social causes and effects, reflect most glaringly all the crying contradictions of capitalism and imperialism. Like the problems of unemployment, rationalization of industry, exploitation and pauperization of the working masses, the liberation of the colonial and semi-colonial countries, etc. so also the problem of immigration and emigration cannot and will not be solved in the interests of the working class –as long as capitalism and imperialism exist.

The chronic economic crises of capitalism which force millions and tens of millions of toilers to seek relief through emigration to other countries; the political persecutions and reaction which drive hundreds of thousands of workers to seek shelter in other countries (Italy, Poland, Roumania, Spain, etc.); the inhuman exploitation and pauperization of millions of peasants and workers by native and foreign oppressors (China, India, etc.), which drive these teeming masses of humanity to seek some improvement in their condition–however slight or temporary; the unequal distribution of population and natural resources in the various parts of the world; the economic and political domination of the overwhelming majority of humanity by a small but ruthless group of imperialists; the insoluble conflict of interests between the various imperialist powers, for sources of raw materials, foodstuffs, cheap labor power and markets; the resulting artificial national and racial barriers, tariff walls, immigration laws which exclude other nations and races; the stifling of the normal industrialization process in the economically undeveloped and backward countries; and finally, the deliberate cultivation of national and racial hatred and prejudices, and the utilization of the vast reserve army of labor, particularly of the cheaper and unorganized labor of oppressed and economically backward countries as a weapon against the working class in the metropolis–such is the background and the play of gigantic contradictory forces behind the problem of immigration and emigration. The scope of the emigration problem, from a political, economic and social point of view may be judged from the bare statistical fact that in 1921, the Chinese population resident abroad was nearly 9 million; the number of Indians abroad was over 2 million, that of Japanese over 600,000; while the number of emigrants from 15 European countries to five oversea countries during the first fourteen years of this century was about seventeen millions.

II. Guiding Principles

The problems and tasks arising out of this enormous migration movement and out of the accompanying contradictory factors enumerated above, which confront the international labor movement today are therefore of prime importance.

The P.P.T.U.S. which unites in its ranks the organized labor movement of those countries in and around the Pacific which constitute the main source of emigration and the main reservoirs of immigration (potentially and actually) is thus faced with the task of enunciating the general guiding principles on the problem of immigration and emigration. These should, I believe, be on the following lines:

(A) The working class is international; it must combat and overcome all national, racial, religious or color divisions. The international working class cannot permit a classification or grading in its own ranks, into: “first grade” and “second and third grade” workers; “superior” and “inferior” nations, races or groups; “pleasant and unpleasant” colors, etc. The interests of the workers throughout the world are identical, regardless of race, nation or color. Their common task and aim is: to struggle unitedly against capitalism, imperialism and against their tools and agents, of all races, colors and shades, both outside and within our own ranks.

(B) What applies to the class struggle generally applies to the problem of immigration and emigration specifically.

Under no circumstances can the international working class and those organizations which lead it in the struggle against capitalism and imperialism, permit a division or classification of emigrants and immigrants along national, racial or color lines.

Such divisions and classifications are encouraged deliberately and systematically by our class enemy, the capitalists and imperialists, in order to split our ranks and thus utilize one section of the working class against another (as a matter of fact, the capitalist class never hesitates to open all doors for mass immigration or recruiting of the very “inferior” and “unassimilable” nationalities and races whenever they deem it profitably. Example: mass importation of indentured and contract labor from China into Australia in the 19th century; the extensive use of Chinese labor in the building of the great railways in America; the use of unorganized and backward masses of foreign labor, of all races and colors, as strikebreakers in times of intensive struggles on the industrial field, etc., etc.)

(C) From an internationalist working class point of view, there cannot possibly be any justification or toleration of any pretense or claim on the part of the workers of any capitalist country for a “monopoly” of the natural resources of that country (which they do not own or control); or of a monopoly of the opportunity for work (which is subject to the general chaos and anarchy of capitalist economy; or a “monopoly” by a minority of skilled or “white” workers of privileged working and living standards (which depend exclusively on the degree of organization and militancy of the working class in their struggle against capitalism, and not on any permanent “exception” or accident or exclusion policy in the field of immigration).

Being that under capitalism, all restrictive and exclusive measures are dictated solely by capitalist and imperialist interests, it is the duty of all working class organizations and particularly of the revolutionary trade unions in the Pacific, to combat openly all restrictive immigration legislation which discriminates in favor of one race, nation or color against another.

(D) Therefore, the P.P.T.U.S. should declare itself for the right of the workers to free immigration and emigration from and to any given country.

III. Difficulties, Fears and Prejudices in the Ranks of the Working Class

While enunciating the above general guiding principles, the P.P.T.U.S. should of course be fully aware of the many practical difficulties and more or less justified fears encountered in the ranks of certain sections of the workers on the question of immigration and emigration.

The basic element in all these fears and prejudices is that of: fear of underliving and undercutting by unorganized and backward immigrant masses, and the inevitably resulting lowering of prevailing standards of living and working conditions.

This natural fear is so much the stronger in countries where, due to advanced industrial development coupled with particularly favor able economic conditions such as the post-war imperialist prosperity of the U.S.A., or the pre-war shortage of labor in Australia, the workers of a given country have acquired a comparatively high standard of living. The fear of an “invasion” of the labor market by unorganized masses who are ready and willing to work longer hours and for lower wages, and whose living standards are much lower than in the country of immigration, gives rise to a multitude of prejudices and to bitter national and race hatred.

The actual practice by the bourgeoisie of certain countries of importing cheap labor on a mass scale, to be used as a lever against the native working class, has only intensified these fears and prejudices. (The importation of foreign labor for the direct and immediate purpose of breaking strikes, has, at different times, caused open race wars and armed clashes: e.g. Australia, U.S.A., the Rand in S. Africa, etc.)

It is around this basically economic fear, that there has grown a thick crust of racial and national hatred and prejudice and discrimination against workers of certain races, nations and colors (Asiatics, yellow and black workers, and more recently against the “inferior” Southern Europeans).

The P.P.T.U.S. should therefore declare itself, and call upon its affiliated sections to fight energetically:

(1) Against all mass migration schemes of the various imperialist powers, which are intended to weaken the position and lower the living and working standards of the native proletariat, e.g. (the State-aided mass migration schemes of British imperialism in Australia, Canada, etc.)

(2) Against all forms of contract and indentured labor at present widely practiced by the British, Japanese and other exploiters in their various island possessions in the Pacific and on the Asiatic Continent. (Malay States, Dutch East Indies, South Sea Islands, etc.)

(3) Against the capitalist practice of importing foreign labor for breaking strikes and forcing the native workers to accept worse working conditions.

IV. Immediate and Concrete Tasks and Demands

In order to safeguard effectively the class interests of both the native workers in immigrant countries and of the millions of immigrants and emigrants, on the lines indicated above, the P.P.T.U.S. should urge all its affiliated sections:

(1) To organize all immigrant workers, irrespective of nationality, race or color in the existing trade unions, on a basis of complete equality with the native trade unionists; all forms of discrimination must be combatted with and done away with.

(2) The militant and revolutionary trade union organizations in the countries of the Pacific, to take the initiative in this matter, by creating special organs (committees or bureaus for organizing immigrants), and to prevent the immigrant workers from falling under the influence of reactionary, fascist or reformist elements.

(3) To make no compromise in the principle of Equal Wages for Equal Work for all workers, regardless of nationality, race, color or sex (especially urgent in the transport industry and in shipping).

(4) To fight for the unrestricted right to organize and right to strike, of all, particularly immigrant workers:

(5) The unrestricted right of the immigrant worker, on a basis of full equality with the native worker, to all benefits of existing social legislation, e.g., unemployment relief, social insurance, accident compensation, legal and medical aid, etc.

(6) The active participation of all workers, irrespective of nationality, race or color, in trade union life and trade union leadership.

Their election, on a basis of equality, into Strike Committees, Factory and Shop Committees, Shop Delegates, Vigilance Committees, Mutual Aid Societies, and all trade union organs.

(7) To defend all workers, especially immigrants, against repressive measures by employers and governments as a result of their trade union activities and participation in strikes and labor conflicts.

(8) To combat, particularly in countries of mass emigration, the private and government Recruiting Agencies, and to fight for the control of all such agencies by the trade unions.

(9) To establish in at least the most important centres of immigration and emigration, frontiers, ports and railway stations special information and propaganda bureaus, which will inform the emigrants and immigrants of conditions prevailing in the particular country; of the state of the labor market; unemployment, current wage rates; the need to organize and in which unions to organize; his or her legal rights and privileges or restrictions; existing strikes or lockouts, and to counteract generally, the lying propaganda of the capitalist migration agencies, which often delude the emigrant worker and only increases his misery when he arrives in the new country.

(10) To safeguard the interests of the immigrant workers in matters of hygiene, sanitation (living quarters), etc., and to see that special clauses to that effect be included in all working agreements, and fulfilled by the employers. Also for the adequate provision of medical aid, proper accommodation, and accident insurance during the voyage to the new country.

(11) Special safeguards for immigrant women and children, and the abolition of all legal or traditional disabilities which discriminate against immigrants.

(12) To fight against all forms of forced “naturalization” which is only a method of getting rid of the more militant and active elements among immigrants and of leaving the “reliables”.

(13) To conduct active propaganda among the immigrant workers through special pamphlets, periodicals, leaflets and special articles in the current trade union press; such propaganda to be in the foreign language of at least the main groups of immigrants.

(14) Special meetings or conferences of immigrant workers to be called from time to time, especially on the eve and during important strikes and lockouts, for the purpose of acquainting the foreign workers with the causes and circumstances of the struggles, and their role in them as workers and members of unions.

(15) Special attention to be given to propaganda and organization among the agricultural workers, especially immigrants, who are the more easily used by the bosses against the organized workers.

 (16) To fight against white guards and counter-revolutionaries as the use of Russian strikebreakers in China, etc.

(17) And finally, to combat all attempts of the bourgeoisie and their reformist agents, to divide the working class not only along national and racial lines, but also along narrow craft and trade lines (skilled vs. unskilled, etc.). Such a division is intended to strengthen the existing privileged position of the labor aristocracy against the ever growing mass of unskilled and semi-skilled labor–both foreign and native.

(18) It is desirable that the P.P.T.U.S. appoint a special Commission or Bureau, for a more detailed and deeper study of the immigration problem in the countries of the Pacific, and its particular causes and effects on the labor movement and urge all the affiliated sections to supply the Secretariat with regular information on all the important problems and events which are related with the problem of immigration and emigration of workers.

The Pan-Pacific Monthly was the official organ of the Pan-Pacific Trade Union Secretariat (PPTUS), a subdivision of the Red International of Labor Unions, or Profitern. Established first in China in May 1927, the PPTUS had to move its offices, and the production of the Monthly to San Francisco after the fall of the Shanghai Commune in 1927. Earl Browder was an early Secretary of tge PPTUS, having been in China during its establishment. Harrison George was the editor of the Monthly. Constituents of the PPTUC included the Australian Council of Trade Unions, the All-China Federation of Trade Unions, the Indonesian Labor Federation, the Japanese Trade Union Council, the National Minority Movement (UK Colonies), the Confédération Générale du Travail Unitaire (French Colonies), the Korean Workers and Peasants Federation, the Philippine Labor Congress, the National Confederation of Farm Laborers and Tenants of the Philippines, the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions of the Soviet Union, and the Trade Union Educational League of the U.S. With only two international conferences, the second in 1929, the PPTUS never took off as a force capable of coordinating trade union activity in the Pacific Basis, as was its charge. However, despite its short run, the Monthly is an invaluable English-language resource on a crucial period in the Communist movement in the Pacific, the beginnings of the ‘Third Period.’

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