An important history, but one that requires some background.

At the December, 1907 meeting of the I.W.W.’s leading General Executive Board in New York City, James Connolly, then a paid I.W.W. organizer, was a central figure for two entirely distinct reasons. Both are important to understanding Connolly as I.W.W. activist and his decade-long history with the Socialist Labor Party and their irreconcilable rupture. The first concerns Connolly’s deepest and most successful trade union work in the U.S.; the organizing of New York City dockworkers under I.W.W. auspices. Asked to give a report on the effort to the G.E.B., which then consisted of General Secretary-Treasurer William. E. Trautmann, William Yates, T.J. Cole, B.H. Williams, with Vincent St. John and Fred Heslewood absent, and Daniel De Leon’s lone loyalist Rudolf Katz, a late arrival.

The stenographers’ verbatim record of Connolly’s extensive recap of his work, along with friendly questions and discussion, give concrete insight into Connolly’s labor activism while here. Asked by the G.E.B. to relay recommendations to the harbor workers, Connolly returned the following day to report on that attempted meeting. As part of an increasingly heated internal S.L.P. struggle, Katz began to bait Connolly and Trautmann at the meeting, setting the stage for that evening’s dramatic session.

There, De Leon, again, in the context of his larger fight to retain control of the S.L.P., brought scurrilous charges against Connolly–to Connolly’s face–for being an ‘agent of the Vatican’ and ‘police spy.’ The break with Connolly was total, and the accusation further, and fatally, isolating the rump De Leon faction in the I.W.W. Many of the best and most talented former S.L.P. members chose to stay and build the I.W.W. in the split that followed, including Connolly who took an increasing role in the New York-Jersey I.W.W., and nationally, with regular articles appearing in the I.U.B.

The full record of that session will follow shortly.

‘James Connolly Reports to the I.W.W. General Executive Board’ from Industrial Union Bulletin. Vol. 1 No. 49. February 1, 1908.

SUNDAY SESSION, DECEMBER 22, 1907. Secretary Trautmann suggested that the board take up immediately the affairs of the Harbor Workers of New York City and adjacent harbors, for the reason that the Central Committee of the various unions of harbor workers would have a meeting on the same day, and the parties carrying on the propaganda and negotiations should have a tangible plan to present before the meeting of said Central Committee.

Motion made by Cole, seconded b Yates, that the transportation workers’ matter be taken up first, and the organizing committee and the officers of the District Council of New York City be called upon to explain the situation. Motion carried.

Fischer announced that the duly accredited organizer of the council James Connolly, would present the case of the Industrial District Council of New York City.

James Connolly gave a brief review of the situation. He said:

“Out of the 45,000 harbor workers of New York City, Hoboken, Brooklyn and adjacent places, there are no organized approximately 12,000 unions not connected with the A.F of L. Many of the present member were once in the Knights of Labor and they are conversant with the fact partly gained by actual experience in their fights against the employers, and the American Federation of Labor a scab-herding capitalist institution. But disconnected with the real active forces in the labor movement, these men were at sea as how to proceed so as to get in touch with maritime transportation workers in other localities and carry out the plans promulgated in many of the meetings of the branches and the central committee. During their last strike, which took place in 1907, they again had been given practical demonstration of treachery and deceit as advocated and practiced by the American Federation of Labor leaders; moreover, they were to witness the scandalous sight that union workers engaged in service on vessels from seaports abroad, and even members of progressive unions of the seafaring countries of continental Europe, were forced to scab on their fighting comrades in this country, because they were tied down by contracts signed by them, or the organizations of which they were members, the violation of which would haw have meant prosecution on charges of treason against the laws and institution of the various countries under the flag of which these maritime workers had enlisted.

“The propaganda carried on by the I.W.W. during that strike by the vigilant organizers and committee, and by distribution of leaflets has opened the eyes of many of the harbor workers, and they began to clamor for a more centralized form of organization as well as for connection with a general organization which through its connections and propaganda on international lines would assure and/ give them power and prestige. How this latter object could be attained was one of the issues which the General Executive Board of the I.W.W would have to give serious thought. “Due to the incessant propaganda carried on by members of the I.W.W. within and without the harbors workers organization, the central committee, which is the administrative body of the 18 branches of workers organized in the industry, had to give this matter their attention.

“But no decisive action was taken until quite recently a committee of freight teamsters, organized in the American Federation of Labor, and the International Union of Teamsters, appeared before that central committee and demanded that said body, representing at least 12,000 workers, partly organized on industrial, progressive lines, take the initiative in asking under what conditions they could unite themselves with the Industrial Workers of the World; and if a charter could be secured for one industrial union embracing all waterfront workers of New York, Hoboken, New Jersey and Brooklyn; and that in the event that this be granted all freight teamsters, as far as organized now in the A.F. of L unions would immediately become a branch of such a proposed industrial union of maritime transportation workers. Thereupon the central committee, appointed committee in conjunction with said Freight Teamsters’ Union No. 1780 who waited on the organizing committee of the Industrial District Council of New York City, and laid the matter before that committee, and through them to the council of New York City.

“But previous to this the Central Committee, pressed by the demands from delegates from the various branches, had issued credentials to I.W.W. organisers and organizing committees to appear before the meetings and explain to the workers the Immediate and ultimate aims and objects of the Industrial Workers of t World, and the forms as well as the fighting methods of the organization. Such were the results of the propaganda that the Hoboken branch, composed mostly of Germans, had unanimously instructed the delegates to the Central Committee to vote for the proposition to become an integral part of the Industrial Workers of the World, another branch composed of 1,700 members was considering favorable action; and that it was up to the G.E.B. of the I.W.W. to consider features that might stand in the way of accepting these workers into the I.W.W. in a body as organized now.

“That the existing organization is free from the ordinary grafting and corruption elements, such as have infested other unions previously embracing part of the harbor workers of New York City and adjacent seaports, could be proven by all committees that had a chance to investigate the working methods and the system of the organization; the Germans are considered to be revolutionary socialists; the branches composed of Italians are developing reliable elements for constructive work, and the branches composed of Irishmen have among the officers many members and supporters of the I.W.W., who are thoroughly conversant with the revolutionary program of the organization.

“The only objectionable feature may be found in the death-and-sick benefit attachments of the organizations, but the Central Committee through its delegation stated that this could be changed so as to separate the funds collected for such an enterprise from the funds of the union and make such arrangements as would be satisfactory to and in accord with the constitution, rules and usages of the Industrial Workers of the World.

“While the prospects of reaping the results of constant and energetic propaganda were gratifying in every respect, yet there was one important matter in connection with this problem which could not be disposed of by the organizing committee of the council, and the authorized organizer; this was with relation to dues and their proper distribution.

“The monthly dues of these harbor workers were 25 cents per member; of the total amount collected by each branch an amount equivalent to a sum total figured at the ration of 7 cents per month per member, is paid into the treasury of the central committee; from the funds thus accumulated are paid the current organizing expenses of the central committee, all incidental expenses, and loss of time for committees. Walking delegates are abolished; each wharf has a committeeman who looks after the interest of the organization when the crews are put to work. All the expenses of the central committee as well as of the branches are defrayed from the income derived from 25 cents per month dues per member; and the hardest task would be the advocacy of higher dues at present, except the harbor workers would see that the money paid by them is used to get others in the same industrial occupation into the folds of the organization. It was upon this point alone where no satisfactory understanding could be reached and it was for the reason of ascertaining how far to go in the negotiations that the organizing committee of the New York District Council wanted a ruling and instructions from the general secretary treasurer and through him from all members of the general executive board. Having been informed by Secretary Trautmann that a special session of the G.E.B. would be held in New York City to take up this matter for mature consideration, the organizing committee of the I.W.W. council is prepared, through him and others of the committee to receive such instructions as would by their execution be conducive to bringing into the folds of the I.W.W. possibly 12,000 workers and through the prestige thus gained establish New York City as a stronghold of the I.W.W. and pave the way for further achievements.”

After hearing the report a motion was made by Cole, supported by Yates, that the various points involved be taken up separately. Motion carried.

At this juncture Executive Board Member Katz arrived and he was given a brief summary of what had transpired since the session Was opened for the transaction of business. With the permission of the chair–Organizer J.P. Thompson put the question to Organizer Connolly whether these harbor workers were made acquainted with and understood fully the revolutionary aims of the I.W.W. Connolly answered that every speaker of the I.W.W. and he himself emphasized in their addresses to the men, and apparently meeting with their approval, “that the workers are entitled to all they produce, and to attain that end the I.W.W. wishes to organize the power by which the workers would be able to take possession of all industrial enterprises and operate them for the sole benefit of the wealth producers.” Secretary Trautmann asked the question whether the central committee as well as the branches understood that the I.W.W. would make it mandatory that the educational work among the workers must be carried on systematically in the meetings through instructions on the aims and the program of the organization, as embodied in the Preamble, and through other methods by which the workers would secure enlightenment on their material needs and learn about the ways and means to achieve them.

Organizer Connolly, corroborated by others of the organizing committee, answered in the affirmative. Executive Board Member Cole wanted to know whether the Central Committee of Harbor Workers, without the previous consent of the members of the various branches, would assume the right to make arrangements for the landing of these 12,000 workers in the I.W.W. on terms of which the rank and file have no knowledge whatsoever, and he explained his question by citing the case of the National Union of Switchmen, of which Cole until recently had been a member, which organization was affiliated with the A.F. of L without the knowledge, and virtually against the will, of the membership, of whom many today do not know that they are connected through the Switchmen’s National Union with the American Federation of Labor. Cole asserted that if the same mode of procedure was to be pursued in the case of Harbor Workers seeking connection with the I.W.W., he would oppose the continuation of further negotiations in the event that the terms and conditions would not be ratified by the membership.

Connolly answered that the movement to become a part of the I.W.W. emanated from the rank and file; that the central committee only acquiesced in the demands made by the branches, and that consequently no terms of any sort could be definitely closed except they were made known and would be sanctioned by the general membership.

Yates asked the question whether it is the intent of the Industrial District Council of New York to organize the harbor workers into the I.W.W. regardless of the fact that they are now organizing on an industrial basis, in case the branches connected with the central committee would fail to vote for the installing into the I.W.W.

Connolly answered that that was a matter to be decided by the G.E.B but in the event that these organized harbor workers would not become a part of the I.W.W., they could not make such further progress among the other unorganized workers as long as they are independent; and the I.W.W. could organize the others with better success without engendering strife and friction with those now organized; as the American Federation of Labor had lost all prestige among the workers in that industry, and rivalry between the I.W.W. and the present “Independents” would not likely ensue.

A general discussion, lasting about two hours, followed. The first question to be settled was that of dues payable to general headquarters of the I.W.W. The opinion was unanimous that the G.E.B. could not allow special rules for any industrial union, but could assume the right to set aside a certain amount from dues received for the purpose of extending the propaganda work in one given industry. Finally a motion was made by Executive Board Member Yates, and supported by Cole, that the tax of the New York harbor workers payable to general headquarters of the I.W.W. be 15 cents per month per member, reported in good standing, but that of these monthly remittances a total equivalent figured at the ratio of 13 cents per month per member be refunded to the Industrial Union of Harbor Workers, to be used for organizing and propaganda purposes in New York harbor and those of adjacent places. Motion carried unanimously.

In this connection the question was brought up whether these 10,000 or 12,000 harbor workers of New York City, Hoboken, New Jersey, Brooklyn, etc., would be allowed to form the nucleus of a department organization.

Secretary Trautmann argued that no department organization or any subdivision thereof could be formed without the knowledge and the participation of all other workers in one given industry already organized in the I.W.W, and that the executive board had the right only to issue calls for conventions for the formation of department organizations or subdivisions thereof, that consequently all unions of transportation workers of the I.W.W. would have to be informed of the prospects of organizing a subdivision of maritime transportation workers as soon as the Harbor Workers of New York City would vote to become a part of the I.W.W. This opinion was assented to by all members of the G.E.B.

Connolly asked the question whether the transportation workers, if they would meet in a convention for the formation of a department organization, would be permitted to draw up a constitution to govern the affairs of the workers engaged in that industry. He emphasized this question with the statement that he considered that point of great importance in broaching the subject matter before the Central Committee of Harbor Workers, which body would assemble at 2 o’clock, p.m., and would very likely want to take this matter up if other business was not more pressing. Connolly was answered that a convention of transportation workers, if called for the purpose of establishing a department organization of the I.W.W. would certainly formulate laws and rules for the government of that particular organization, or any necessary subdivision thereof, but that such a constitution when drafted must be approved by the General Executive Board of the I.W.W. before it would become operative for the department organization.

Question was asked whether this most important ruling would apply to all other department organizations that may eventually be organized as integral parts of the I.W.W.

Chairman Williams answered that this was the consensus of opinion of the G.E.B. of the I.W.W. and is subject to approval or rejection by a convention of the I.W.W. or the general membership. A matter suggested in the preliminary explanation of the situation was then taken up, as to how those transportation workers in other countries, organized approximately on the same lines as proposed by the Industrial Workers of the World, could be brought into an international alliance, more effective and comprehensive as the International Federation of Transportation Workers, which by its very composition was unable to grapple with the many important problems confronting the workers in the various countries.

While said federation embraces also the longshore workers and sailors of Great Britain, its influence and working methods did not prevent the engagement of thousands of strikebreakers from England during the dockworkers strike in Hamburg last year and of Amsterdam, Holland, from England, and about half of the strikebreakers were members of and simple unions of the British

Similar instances were cited to show the impotency of such federations of divergent elements to foster and to promote the international solidarity of the proletariat class; on the other hand, it was shown also by illustrations, what an international alliance of real militant organizations of transportation workers could accomplish.

All skirmishes of maritime and railway transport workers in Europe, as well as in America and Australia, presented the amazing spectacle how workers of one nation were used to defeat the workers of another nation, all due to lack of knowledge of conditions in the various countries, and the false teachings of pure and simple craft unionism.

In the course of discussion it suggested by T.J. Cole that immediately after the formation of the prospective transportation department a delegation be sent to European ports and establish connections as well as enlighten the European workers of the scab producing methods of the pure and simple unions of Great Britain and of the United States. Cole argued his point at length.

Against this view it was contended by Trautmann and Williams that any delegation that would be sent from America for such a mission as proposed, would either be looked upon with suspicion by the officers of the existing transportation workers unions, of continental Europe, and these they would be deprived of the chance to lay such matters before the already organized bodies of workers, and even if they would succeed in presenting in glaring colors the amazing conditions of the working class of America, no credence would be given to such truthful statements, as all the influential men in Europe with but few exceptions, accept the information coming to them from such polluted sources as the New York “Volkszeitung,” and papers of that class. Moreover such a move would very likely create the impression that the workers of America must learn from their brethren Europe how to conduct and shape the organizations of workers, which would add strength to the absurd idea that the proletariat of the United States is not able to work out the plans for its industrial emancipation, and has to copy here in the most advanced country industrially, from other lands far behind in social and economic development. Therefore, such a convention for the formation of a Transportation Workers Department” should be called, and that would be necessary when the harbor workers of New York would become a part of the I.W.W. and an effective and powerful alliance was to be established, it would be necessary to induce representatives of progressive transportation workers’ organizations from abroad to ascertain facts from personal observations in the United States and Canada, and the best opportunity would present itself when a convention for the formation of a department organization of transportation workers would be held; in which event negotiations could be immediately started with the existing organizations abroad and overtures make to the end of having representatives from Europe, and also South America attend that convention.

These views were adopted as formulating the basis of future work for the officers of the I.W.W. on the matters relating to the proposed international alliance of transportation workers, in case the I.W.W. would be in a position to call such a convention of transportation workers.

James Connolly asked to be allowed to absent himself, as he wished to attend the session of the Central Committee of Harbor Workers. Before he was allowed to withdraw, Executive Board Member Katz announced that he wanted to put a question to Connolly relating to the strike of silk workers in Lancaster, Pa.

Katz prefaced the question by stating that several of the workers from Lancaster were sent to other places, to relieve the situation, and that two of these men had come to New York City, and after visiting the local head-quarters of the I.W.W. had been told by somebody who claimed to be an organizer of the I.W.W. that “Kats had no business to call the Lancaster silk workers out on strike.” That these two men immediately returned to Lancaster and spread the story among the strikers, so that many get ting discouraged stampeded back to work next morning and thus broke the backbone of the strike. Katz asked Connolly whether he was the man er organizer who had made such a statement to these two men, thus being indirectly responsible for the bad turn of affairs in Lancaster, Pa. Connolly answered that it was be who had met these two young men from Lancaster, that they had complained about their plight, that he inquired of them how long the organization in Lancaster was in existence, and after having been told that the union was formed only recently, he only made the remark that it seems to be strange that a strike took place immediately after the formation of the union,” and after they had explained the cause he immediately realized the necessity of taking care of these two strangers, which he did, together with other fellow workers, as they were then for the first time thrown on the wide world, were downcast and on the verge of collapse and despair. That hem Connolly, could not be held responsible for what these two men said or stated after their return to Lancaster.

Connolly was then instructed to endeavor to get a committee from the “Central Committee” appointed to appear before the G.E.B. next morning if possible, and he and the organizing committee of the New York Industrial Council then retired.

Motion was seconded and carried unanimously.

MONDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 23, 1907. Chairman Williams called the meeting to order at 10 o’clock, am. Present: Williams, Katz, Cole, Yates and Trautmann.

As the committee of the New York District Council and Organizer Connolly were present to give a report to the chair ruled that this matter takes precedence before any other can be taken up.

James Connolly reported that he was before the Central Committee of Harbor Workers, and presented the matter, but as the organization had other very pressing business to transact, including the election of office for the ensuing term, the Central Committee could not consider the proposition at this meeting; but Connolly, had been assured that the subject matter would be taken up the first meeting in January. Report was received.

At this juncture Connolly was asked for an explanation of an article in the Industrial Union Bulletin anent conditions in New York City, in which statement was contained, although in a vague form, that Building Trades Industrial Union No. 95 of New York City had filled the places of striker who were members of the American Federation of Labor.

Organizer Thompson, who had put the question for explanation, stated that said article in The Bulletin was held before him in a public meeting Boston, to substantiate the assertion that the I.W.W. was pursuing the same tactics as have been and are still a practice in the craft unions, Thompson claimed, and he was sustained by all members of the general executive board, that the article referred to did not state the conditions clearly, and for this reason the I.W.W. had laid itself open to criticism by those workers who frown at scab-producing methods.

Connolly, in reply, explained the matter thoroughly.

“At a given job of building construction all plasterers were members of the I.W.W.; the workers in that the trades of the building industry were members of the diverse A. F.L. unions. The business agents demanded of the employer the discharge of all I.W.W plasterers; the employer did not acquiesce, and the A.F.L. members were called on strike t enforce the discharge of the I.W.W members.

“Many of the lathers on the same job had already put in their application for membership in the I.W.W Local No. 95, and they did not obey the strike order to force themselves and the other I.W.W. plasterers o of a job; other lathers had also put their applications for membership; and when a few A.F. of L. lathers vacated their places in support of the strike to force the I.W.W. members out of their jobs, these I.W.W. lather were allowed to proceed with the work, so as to nullify the efforts of the A.F. of L. fakirs to freeze I.W.W. members out of their jobs.” Connolly, in admitting this matter, asked for a general ruling so that he and in fact all active members of New York City could be guided by the decision of the general executive board. This matter brought forth an animated discussion in which all members of the executive board took part, Many instances were cited in substantiation of the fact that I.W.W. members had joined the strikers in one branch of industry, although they themselves were not employed in the same branch; and how very often the I.W.W. members, under hardships and sacrifices, without expecting any immediate results, were active in making strikes called by the A.F. of L successful. But it was shown also that the labor lieutenants of the A.F. of L. knowing that this spirit of working class solidarity of I.W.W. members would show itself in every skirmish, are taking advantage of same by precipitating strikes; for the sole purpose of establishing the A.F. of L. closed shop, and leaving the I.W.W. members who went on strike with the others on the street.

Cole cited instances in the railway service; Williams referred to the strikes in Humboldt County, Cal, and Pittsburg: Katz showed how the international Cigar Makers’ Union was making a systematic fight against I.W.W. by blackmail and other criminal methods; Yates referred to a case of recent date that occurred in New Bedford, where the A.F. of L. fakirs were using all means to enforce the discharge of I.W.W. loomfixers, and it was also proven that this warfare of discrimination had the support of the employers of labor.

Finally it was moved by Katz, sec. seconded by Cole, that the general secretary-treasurer draw up a ruling to he adopted as a general code, towit: “That the Industrial Workers of the World declare that they will support, by word and deed, any movement, Strike or lockout of workers, irrespective of their present affiliation, when inaugurated to advance the material interests of the wage earners, in the shape of improved working conditions, and they will use all the efforts to Kain a victory for the workers. But in the event of strikes and discriminative methods being inaugurated for the destruction and annihilation of the I.W.W. or parts thereof, it is the manifest desire, as a matter of self-protection for the I.W.W., that such onslaughts be defeated and that all honorable means be used to attain that end.”

Again the point was discussed whether the policy of retaliation would be advisable: or whether places of workers who leave their jobs to enforce the discharge of I.W.W. be filled. The members should unanimous opinion was that retaliation or place-filling tactics, as in operation in the old unions, must be repudiated by the I.W.W.; but nobody would expect I.W.W. members to join in strikes called by business agents against the I.W.W.; and that even if the employers should engage other workers to All the places of those called out for discriminative purposes, I.W.W. members could not be expected to quit their job then.

Trautmann that such awkward situations should be avoided wherever possible, and he cited two instances in California and Washington and the statements were corroborated by Williams, where I.W.W. men, when a strike was called by the A.F. of L. agents to enforce their discharge from employment, walked out with the others. Thus contended, however, having gained the confidence of their fellow workers, they had a chance to show them the futility and foolishness of their action. with the result that in both of these cases the workers decided to foreswear obedience to the fakirs and join the I.W.W. organizations after returning back to the jobs they had vacated. Such a method should first be used before direct acts of apparent hostility would be resorted to.

This view was adopted as the consensus of opinion of all members of the G.E.B.; and the motion was carried unanimously.

Connolly asked for the privilege of making a request on Executive Board Member Katz. Connolly stated that the employes in the milk-distributing agencies had started an organization under the I.W.W.; and that the union was growing in spite of the fierce opposition made by the A.F. of L. with the employers combined. That especially in the Borden Milk Co. good progress had been made; until finally the firm started to discriminate against active workers in the union, and three of them were discharged. The organization, however, will not be retarded by this move of the firm; and the organizing work will be continued, yet it was realized that further progress in New York City among the workers depended much on the co-operation that could be given in other localities where the Borden Milk Company had agencies. Especially in Paterson something should be done by Fellow Worker Katz to get the employes of the big Borden Milk Co. into the organization.

Katz stated that special efforts would be made on those lines.

The Industrial Union Bulletin, and the Industrial Worker were newspapers published by the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) from 1907 until 1913. First printed in Joliet, Illinois, IUB incorporated The Voice of Labor, the newspaper of the American Labor Union which had joined the IWW, and another IWW affiliate, International Metal Worker.The Trautmann-DeLeon faction issued its weekly from March 1907. Soon after, De Leon would be expelled and Trautmann would continue IUB until March 1909. It was edited by A. S. Edwards. 1909, production moved to Spokane, Washington and became The Industrial Worker, “the voice of revolutionary industrial unionism.”

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/industrialworker/iub/v1n49-feb-01-1908-iub.pdf