Of obvious interest in today’s situation. In power two years, and still adhering to the pretenses of parliamentary democracy, Mussolini’s Italy held national elections in April, 1923. Run under a newly passed law which saw the party that received the most votes, if over 25%, automatically get 66% of seats, along with other blatantly pro-fascist limitations on democratic practice, the veracity of the elections was, of course, in doubt. Women also were denied the franchise. Here, the future P.C.I. General Secretary and candidate in in the 1924 election, with a series looking at how different parties, included the anti-fascist Left, approached the elections. Mussolini’s Blackshirt list won an, almost unbelievable, 65% in the elections that followed. ‘Winning’ over six times the vote of their nearest competitor, the Blackshirts did not need their law to claim the two-thirds seats in the new parliament, taking 70% of them outright.

‘The Parliamentary Elections in Mussolini’s Italy’ by Ruggiero Grieco from International Press Correspondence. Vol. 4 Nos. 8, 11 & 19. January 31, February 14 & March 13, 1924.

The Middle-Class Parties and the Elections.

Would Mussolini’s power have been strengthened or weakened if on the 9th of October 1922, when he received the mandate to form the Cabinet, he had dissolved Parliament? There are various opinions on the matter. Most are of opinion that the method used by Mussolini, of making use of the old Parliament, until the political situation allowed him to hold new elections, has proved good. It is not our business here to analyse the qualities of the old Cabinet–it cannot be distinguished from its predecessor, and its successors will resemble it in every respect. We were not at all astonished as many others at the fact that the deputies in the present Parliament submitted to the castigation which Mussolini gave them, without even raising a protest against the physical pain. Those who were astonished, forget, that the same deputies have for two years done nothing to prevent the development of Fascism, that, on the contrary, they have supported it both openly and secretly. Perhaps they did so in the belief that Fascism would be a pliable instrument in their hands; that it would itself strive for power, that they did not think of, and they had to be put right by Mussolini when he entered Rome. Mussolini could have dissolved the Senate and Parliament and have governed for one or two years on the ground of a Special Powers Decree issued by the king, as Primo de Rivera is doing. But in Italy, Democracy has made greater progress than in Spain. The Italian government wants to play among the first fiddles in European politics. For the outfit of a Great Power, a certain amount of apparent Democracy is as necessary as is the glitter and show at ceremonies. Mussolini did not think of being a forerunner of General De Rivera; but it has been possible to set aside Parliament without proclaiming its dissolution, without attacking the “Pillars of the Constitution”.

He allowed the Parliament to continue, but at the same time caused it to grant him power to rule a whole year, without consulting it. The Chamber consented to allow itself not to be consulted, and not to control the government. The Liberals even theoretically justify their attitude towards the fascist “coup d’état”, which has welded the New and Old together, without endangering the interior peace of the country.

In the middle of December, the Premier declared the first session of the Legislative closed. He has kept up appearance as to the constitution. He regulates his power in accordance with the ordinances of the Statutes. After the issue of the decree for the closing of the Session, there remain two possibilities: either there will be an order issued for the re-opening of the Session with a speech from the throne, or the dissolution of Parliament will be announced, and a time appointed for a re-election.

In our opinion the elections are very close at hand. What is the relation of the parties to the parliamentary elections? What attitude do the Workers’ parties and the Proletariat take towards them?

Fascism, which has come into power, has caused crises in all the middle-class parties. The parliamentary majority before October 1922, consisted of the four democratic groups (they have no organization in the country) i.e. Democratic, Social-Democratic, Italian-Democratic and Liberal-Democratic, and of the group of the Popolari (people’s clerical party) and the groups with a tendency to the Right (Fascist, Right-Liberal, National and Agrarian). Towards the Fascist government, the majority in Parliament took up a waiting attitude, still they agreed as well to the special powers law, as well as to the few bills which the government submitted to the Chamber. But outside Parliament the orientation of the middle-class parties was automatically produced by the innumerable interests which were disturbed by Fascism, and had to be defended against it.

Various groups, as for instance, those which stand at the head of the Nitti-Democracy, immediately took up a position in opposition to the politics of Fascism, of the Fascist government. It must nevertheless be mentioned, that several of these groups (the Liberals) have promoted the rise and consolidation of Fascism in every way. The records of their newspapers constituted a veritable “Saga” which glorified in particular the military organization of the Fascists. These groups thought fascism could be easily destroyed again, when it was no longer wanted. It was thought the fascists would be satisfied with their demands which were put forward in the Congress in Naples in October 1922 they demanded the overthrow of the ministry and the participation of the fascists in the new government coalition with four portfolios (Marine, War, Home and Foreign Office). Before the Naples Congress, interviews with Giolitti had taken place, in which members of the Fascist Party appeared as intermediaries. Giolitti refused the demands of the Fascists who would have had from him the right to parcel out the ministries at their own discretion. The Fascists thereupon decided to take the extreme measures. The march on Rome, which till now had seemed an impracticable solution, took on a more palpable form. The undertaking succeeded, and Fascism won a victory over its “father” Giolitti. Had Mussolini and Giolitti succeeded in arriving at a compromise in their deliberations over the formation of the Cabinet, the Fascist movement would probably have succumbed.

It was always Giolitti’s tactics to further the development of movements with opposite tendencies, in which he was guided by the criterion, that every movement, like a disease, produces seeds for a new movement. Giolitti has often made use of this method, which appears infallible to him. Typical of him, for example, is his fight against the Right after 1890, in which he relied upon reformist Socialism; further his tactics towards the Socialists (whose leaders he knew very well), whom he helped to bring the development of the workers organisations so far, that the revolutionary movement of 1920 was possible, while, at the same time, he proceeded to the organisation of Fascism, which was to overthrow the workers movement “by a spontaneous reaction of public opinion”. In October 1922, Fascism had, in Giolittis opinion, served its purpose and had to be absorbed by Liberalism. This, however, did not happen. The Liberals, disappointed with the results of their tactics, took up, after October 1922, a suspicions waiting attitude towards the Fascist Government, although they had all compromised themselves by votes in favour of government motions. The followers of Nitti who publish the paper “Mondo” (The World) in Rome, took up a clearly challenging attitude towards Fascism. It is important to refer still to the anti-fascist attitude of the Milan paper “Corriere della Sera” (Evening Mail) a paper much read both in upper Italy and in other countries, which claims to maintain the tradition of Cavour-Liberalism. The Turin Paper “Stampa” (the Press), a paper of Giolitti’s, but which now displays a more independent attitude, belongs likewise to the opposition, while Giolitti declares he is a friend and advocate of the “national Government”.

We have already said, that the democratic groups in Parliament represent no existing organizations in the country. There is certainly, a Social-democratic organization, which for the most part supports the Fascist government, and is even by the Postal Minister Colonna di Cesario represented in the Government. But also this organization presents no compact whole with a uniform program. Not long ago, for instance, a great section broke away from it (the organization of the Province of Venice) which declared itself anti-Fascist. There exists further, an organization of the Liberal Party, which has become stronger recently, but in which there is no discipline and no clear instructions. The Central Committee of the Liberal Party has at different times declared, that it approves of the Reconstruction program of the Fascist government; still all Liberals do not agree with this declaration. Many have withdrawn from the party–some to have freedom to criticise Fascism–other in order to be able to take responsible posts in the state.

The Nationalists combined with the Fascists in one party immediately after the march on Rome. The Popolari (clerical people’s party) went through a serious crisis, which is still not quite over. Recently it has taken up an attitude of continual opposition to Fascism. The right wing belongs still to the party, in order to fight within it, for the program of the Fascist government, but this movement has not many supporters within the Party.

One cannot yet say exactly in what position the middle-class parties will be in the Elections. The new election law, which Mussolini has passed by the Chamber, is founded on a mixed system: The majority principle holds for the list which has an absolute majority, while the principle of proportion representation applies for the minorities. The majority has a right to two-thirds of the Parliamentary seats; the minority must divide the remaining (one third) seats among themselves. This election law is so drawn up, that the Government is at the outset assured of victory. Mussolini will put together a majority list, in which, together with Fascists, friends out of other parties will figure. Still the number of Fascists in it will be so great, that unexpected action on the part members belonging to other parties, cannot signify any danger. Just as the government list, i.e. the Fascist list also contains names of Democrats, Popolari, Reformists, (Ex-reformists, Girondists), Liberals.

What will the attitude of the Opposition Parties be? What will be the attitude of the parties friendly to the Government, who nevertheless wish to maintain their own character? Up to now, these parties have expressed themselves very little on this question with the exception of a few leaders, whose opinion is, however, no absolute criterion for the attitude of the parties. Giolitti is said to have declared, that the Liberals, although they are friendly inclined to the Government, ought to lay claim to the minority seats, but not to figure in the Government list. The Popolari also wish to come into the struggle with an intransigent list. Further, one speaks of a list of the constitutional opposition, whose development however seems problematic.

In the preparation of such a list, various groups are working-groups at the moment in process of development, like the “Democratic League” (Rome) and the “League for Democratic Control” (Milan). It is assumed also that the Ex-Minister, Ex-Socialist Bonomi, one of the fathers of Fascism–to-day anti-Fascist is interested in this list. If this opposition list comes into being, there will still be, in addition to it and the Government list, the list of the Popolari (Opposition) and a “List of friends of the Government”, which are not included in the Government list. This last will naturally be supported by the Government.

***

The Tactics of the parties for the Election on April 6th.

The speech which Mussolini delivered on 28th January in the general assembly of the Fascists in Rome, marked the official opening of the election campaign. The real commencement of the period of preparation for the elections was in December and can be dated from the day on which the Parliamentary Session was ended. On that same day there began everywhere the discussion concerning the actual problem the elections. The words uttered by Mussolini on 28th January in the Palace at Venice, will certainly not be without their effect upon the program and the tactics of the parties participating in the election struggle.

The Premier has already stated the task which Fascism has set itself by imposing the new elections: it is desired to bring about a plebiscite. Mussolini’s expressions on this point were not very happy. It is naturally impossible to believe in the neutrality of the Government in the elections, especially in Italy, where everyone is aware of the badly concealed corruption, which made the name of Giolitti notorious, as well as the deeds of his hirelings, who, paid by the government candidates or by the government itself, had to achieve at any price the election of their paymaker. Still the elementary tactics of the government, whether it be unprejudiced or not, demands, that the rights of the citizens to freedom of propaganda and of the ballot be publicly announced, and that all organs of the state be exhorted to preserve this right. Mussolini, who can never refer often enough to the fact, that in October 1922 he created no special courts and no exceptional laws, that he has kept to the constitutional apparatus of the State and has not dissolved any political organization in reality systematically undermines the laws of the Constitution; thus, while not dissolving our Party, he has placed it in such a position, that any kind of legal work, has been made impossible for it. Just at this time, several comrades in Varese (Milan) have been arrested on the charge of having founded a Communist Section (in Varese there always was a communist section, which had naturally to exist illegally). A few months ago, our press was forbidden, and it was only a few days ago that the ban was taken off; still, let us have no illusions the prohibition will soon be set into operation again.

Mussolini’s tactics serve the purposes of his foreign policy; it is to his interest not to appear outside the country, as leader of a reactionary government, for among the bourgeois governments with which he has to deal, and which in a certain sense are on a par with the Italian, it is customary to use liberal and democratic language. In his speech on January 28th, Mussolini was very careful not to express his view regarding the Italian political problems, or to set forth a program. He submitted to examination the conduct of the various parties the traditional rhetorical opening of the campaign in our country and closed with the customary reference to the possibility of an appeal to the Black Shirts, a possibility, which is ever present, and which must be held up in order to terrify all parties standing in opposition to Fascism. There is no Fascist election program: it was not included in the speech of January the 28th and, further, it will not be proclaimed, since the Premier has assured his friends, that he will not open his mouth again daring the election. Whoever follows the intellectual and political movement of Fascism, knows, that it in fact does not possess a Theory, a Doctrine, that it developed as a reaction against the great social movement of the working class in the years 1919-20. Fascism is more concerned with actual facts, with “particular cases”, which (without being hampered by preconceived methods) it tests and seeks to solve according to the opportuneness and exigences of the given moment. Therefore, Fascism can allow itself the luxury of having no program. The Fascist program can be expressed in one word: Nation. Mussolini faces Parliamentary Government as a historical fact: he says, so long as the disease of Parliamentary Government exists in Europe, one must have elections. The opinion is no theory, it is a pose. In reality, Mussolini’s anti-parliamentarism is aimed at having an accommodating Parliament as an instrument in his hand.

The Clerical Party (Popolari) which has now for many months defended the political watchword, “neither collaboration nor opposition” goes over now, with its election manifesto, decidedly into the opposition camp. The Fascist press hastens to brand the Popolari as an anti-government party.

The Republicans, who have no great following in the country, belong to the opposition and will take part in the elections with their own list.

The Unitarian Socialists (Turati Party) are supporters of abstention from voting, while the Maximalists, whose views are represented by the “Avanti”, have not yet given any clear expression of their attitude. The Communists announced already in December their will to partake in the elections. Of the propositions made by the Communists to the Unitarians and Maximalists for an election block of the “proletarian opposition” something special must be said.

The Liberal and Democratic opposition is not yet clear on its attitude. The Milan Society for the Defence of Proportional Representation has changed into a Committee of Democratic Defence with a program which stands in opposition to Fascism. With this committee, the Democratic League which was founded in Rome in 1923 and at whose head Bonomi stands appears to have entered into an alliance, in order to consider the form of their share in the elections on April 6th. Just now, also a Conference is taking place of the Autonomous Democrats, a group which has cut itself off from the pro-government Social Democrats (at whose head is the Minister Di Cesaro), and gone over to the opposition. It is supposed that all these opposition democratic groups will form one Block. Still, it is difficult to predict the attitude of the democratic parties; in their ranks are many leaders, who long for a member’s mandate, but there is no great leader, who could rally them all around a serious program.

The government list, which will be a national list with a Fascist majority, will contain names of persons friendly to Fascism belonging to any party or to none. The inclusion of their names in the government list does not mean conformity on the basis of a laid down program (the government list has no certain program) with the parties whose members figure in the list. The government list contains right-wing “Socialists” out of the pro-Fascist Gironda group (Enrico Ferri, Cesare Alessandri), Popolari (National Union of Popolari) Democrats (Social Democrats), Liberals (pro-Fascist, Right-wing Liberals). The Liberal Party, which wishes to keep its autonomy, will share the list of the minority, its “parallel” list will be supported by the Government. The election law which insures victory to the government list, still takes up a number of minority seats for the Liberal friends of the Government, by the System of parallel lists, and so strengthens the Parliamentary position of the government.

All the above is in the nature of information; we Communists are not surprised by anything in connection with these elections; they are different from former ones on from elections in other capitalist countries, because the dictatorial method momentarily ruling in Italy, is formally different from the methods which the bourgeoisie in other lands is using at present.

***

Why the Communists will take part in the Elections.

The Communist Party in Italy will take part in the Elections on April 6th. While the socialist parties, immediately after the close of the Session, discussed the possibility of the whole opposition (including the Popolari, and the other opposition groups standing on the basis of the constitution) abstaining from the elections, the Communist Party, already in the middle of December, announced its intention to participate in the elections. That may seem incomprehensible to many workers and even to comrades. It will be asked whether participation in the struggle is possible in Italy, under a regime which exposes to constant persecution not only the Communist organizations, but also if in a milder form the opposition which abides by the Constitution. The parties taking part in the election campaign have to comply with a whole number of legal formalities: the list of candidates must be drawn up, which is for us impossible without exposing the comrades concerned to danger; when the list is submitted it must bear a certain number of signatures, which again involves difficulty, if many comrades are not to be handed over to the vengeance of opponents. And finally, one must have the possibility of speaking to the masses. All that means being exposed to dangers and inconveniences which may cause many to think that the game is not worth the candle. This view will be continually strengthened by the daily chronicle of the legal and illegal reprisals in the shape of dismissals and violent attacks from the side of the Fascisti. The constitutional opposition which has not yet expressed its position in regard to the coming campaign, and further, the unitarian Socialists and Maximalists, who at the proper time will elude the danger of a block with the Communists, have brought up for consideration the possibility of abstention from the elections, i.e., an active abstention, accompanied by a press campaign, or by a possible (very hypothetical) participation in the Fascist meetings, in which they would oppose the speakers. The abstention was to have been justified on the ground of lack of freedom of action for the opposition parties, and the foregone conclusion that on the 6th of April, the friends of the government, and the authorities, would exercise such a terror that participation in the election by the supporters of the opposition would be practically impossible.

But there are workers and comrades who oppose our decision to take part in the election. We could answer them by referring to the statutes of the International. But among our comrades who have to be convinced, there are many workers and peasants to whom we must explain our attitude exhaustively. The Party will, in the time which lies between now and April 6th, bring all the necessary explanations to the notice of the workers, by means of its press, so far as it has control of such, or by other means.

When in December the press bureau of the Italian Communist Party made known its intention to participate in the elections (just at the time that, in the government press, a storm of indignation was let loose against the Socialists, who were discussing the possibility of abstention from voting), the “Stefani” news agency took the communiqué of the party, and published it everywhere in the home and foreign press. This fact brought up against us the socialists of both parties, who maintained that the Communists were playing into the hands of the government. We replied that one plays into someone’s hands by every move; that the “Stefani” agency had already on a previous occasion rendered us the service of widely spreading our communiqués, namely, on the occasion of the “Communist conspiracy” in February 1923. when the government agents handed over to the press the manifesto of the Communist International against Fascism, a manifesto which we were not able to publish, and were not in a position to disseminate in so great a number. We declared that this new publication of the “Stefani” gave us great satisfaction, since we, who are robbed of our own press, could in this way get our decisions known to the masses. (We must admit that the “Stefari” agency does not always serve us as we wish). Perhaps this episode only strengthened the doubts of those comrades who did not agree with our attitude.

Why have we then decided to take part in the elections on April 6th? No one knows so well as ourselves the position the opposition minority in Italy finds itself in. The Communist Party has saved the banner of Communist revolution out of the storms of the years 1920-1924, but that was not accomplished without loss, without great injuries. Whoever is not blind must admit that the enemy always concentrated its attack on the Communist citadel. That other opposition groups were often treated in the same way as we were, cannot disprove the fact that the enemy’s main intent was to aim at the heart of the Communist Party. The political processes which took place in the first year of Fascist rule (or which were abandoned after the preliminary enquiry), were processes against members of the Communist Party; the special treatment of our press (the suppression of the three daily papers, and the temporary suspension of the weekly journals) was not extended to the press of the other parties; the continual hunting down of the Communist organizations, the arrest of our members indicate a special policy of the authorities against our movement. We know, of course, that also the Socialists and the constitutional opposition are persecuted by the Fascist Party, but still these persecutions cannot be compared to those which the Fascist government is accustomed to exercise against the Communist Party.

Our decision to take part in the elections therefore, has not arisen out of our ignorance of the situation in which the opposition parties find themselves. Still less out of ignorance of the position in the factories and workshops, in the docks and on the land, where raging terror forces workers, employees and peasants to silence to avoid worse persecutions than dismissals, wage-reductions, increases of working hours, etc.

But when did a bourgeois state ever allow freedom of ballot and propaganda? There is no government which adopts an impartial attitude to the elections, for every government presupposes a party from which it has come, and therefore partiality. It is only a question of to what extent a government leaves its citizens to make use of their election rights without incurring any risk in so doing. We know that the modicum of freedom which the Fascist Government will tender us on the occasion of the elections comes very near to the denial of all freedom. But the Communists have never had any illusions as to the workers having any kind of freedom whatever in a capitalist state; when they protest that the rights of the proletariat are trodden under foot, it is only to unmask the philosophic-political conception of democracy, which the dictatorial treachery of the bourgeoisie against workers and peasants tries to conceal.

If we abstained from participation in the elections, we could only justify this on the ground of the almost absolute lack of freedom of election propaganda and of the ballot; such grounds, however, take for granted the possibility that a bourgeois government can grant that freedom to the workers. If Fascism still further limits freedom of election, still it is only a question of degree. It is said that a collective abstention on the part of the whole opposition would weaken the position of the government in regard to other countries, a proof of which is the indignation with which the Fascist Press and the directors of the Fascist Party greeted the discussion of such a proposal on the part of the Socialists in December. We reply, that the position of the government is weakened without that. A Government, which by the mouth of its leader, allows it to be clearly said that it is anti-Parliamentary, that it is only arranging the elections for the sake of the spectators on the other side of the Alps, and that it is solely for this reason that it needs a plebiscite; a head of the government, who has not the courage always from fear of the foreigner to dissolve the “anti-national parties”, but calls the Black Shirts into the arena against them (this appeal has a quite unmistakable significance in connection with the elections) such a Government is already weakened in the public opinion of other countries. But it is the duty of the proletarian parties in the election meetings, to brand this perfidy, the victim of which is the proletariat. If the election meetings of the workers are prevented by the Black Shirts, it must be shown in the press what a powerless condition the proletariat is in. If the press is also prohibited, other means must be used, in order that as many workers and peasants as possible especially in the big centres shall have the possibility of taking part in the elections. The proletarian party is a party of struggle and of revolutionary “education”. The participation of the Communist Party in the struggle of April 6th, signifies: that the Communists use the meagre remnants of legality tendered to them by the bourgeois state to continue their activity; that the Communists are fighting the “liquidator spirit” of the Reformists, and that they wish the Party to show itself to the masses as alive and active, whatever the outcome of the struggle may be; that the Communists are doing their best, to show by deeds, that the emancipation of the workers and the peasants is not to be brought about by the capture of Parliamentary institutions (we tried that experiment in 1919), or by absolute possession of freedom of election, but that the emancipation and victory of the proletariat is the fruit of the revolutionary preparation of the working masses outside Parliament.

The problem in Italy never stood forth in all its starkness as at this moment. Even the constitutional opposition must be convinced that it is not possible to overthrow the government by capturing the majority in Parliament, but that to this end it is necessary to arm a militia which can be set up against the Fascist militia. From every platform which in this critical hour stands at our disposal, it is our duty to say this to the masses. And we should be mad not to use this opportunity, which the State offers by arranging new elections, to develop a keen activity among the proletariat.

International Press Correspondence, widely known as”Inprecorr” was published by the Executive Committee of the Communist International (ECCI) regularly in German and English, occasionally in many other languages, beginning in 1921 and lasting in English until 1938. Inprecorr’s role was to supply translated articles to the English-speaking press of the International from the Comintern’s different sections, as well as news and statements from the ECCI. Many ‘Daily Worker’ and ‘Communist’ articles originated in Inprecorr, and it also published articles by American comrades for use in other countries. It was published at least weekly, and often thrice weekly.

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/international/comintern/inprecor/1924/v04n08-jan-31-1924-inprecor.pdf

PDF of issue 2: https://www.marxists.org/history/international/comintern/inprecor/1924/v04n11-feb-14-1924-inprecor.pdf

PDF of issue 3: https://www.marxists.org/history/international/comintern/inprecor/1924/v04n19-mar-13-1924-inprecor.pdf