Though not as consistently left wing as their Duluth neighbors in the Scandinavian locals (few were), nevertheless the large and active Superior, Wisconsin local of the Socialist Party was an outlier in the state politically dominated by Berger and Milwaukee’s reformist ‘Sewer Socialists.’
‘The Platform of the Socialist Party of Superior’ from Truth (Duluth). Vol. 2 No. 11. March 14, 1918.
The Socialist Party represents the interests of the working class. When the producers are served, all are served. The prosperity of nations and of the world depends upon the welfare of the workers. The Socialist Party is international in its scope. It realizes that so long as there is national rivalry for markets and imperialism, there can be no peace, and millions of lives must be sacrificed to the demands of each nation to be the dominate factor in trade and commerce.
The Socialist Party demands democracy here and now. It demands that the Constitution of these United States be not abridged in an unlawful manner; that both in peace and war the people shall enjoy the rights for which our forefathers struggled and so dearly won. The very basis of true democracy is the right of free speech, a free press and free assemblage. When these are denied it is time for the people to awaken to the necessity of battling against oppression at home. This is true love of country; a patriotism that refuses to surrender one iota of freedom already won and recorded in the laws of our state and nation. This is the democracy and patriotism that the Socialist party stands for. It is not, however, what the Republican and Democratic parties stand for. Their members have resorted to mob rule for the suppression of the freedom of the people, that they make a pretense of representing. They have even carried their cowardly tactics of mob attacks to murder, have been urged on such attacks by the prostitute press of their respective parties. Both their attitude and methods ought to prove to the working class, at least, that there is nothing to hope for from either party but oppression; and that every concession to labor is because of labor’s organized power and not because of any regard for justice to the working class. If they have such regard why is labor compelled to expend millions of dollars to maintain organization to obtain the very meagre concessions that it does?
Why must labor fight constantly for simple justice while big business despoils men, women and children, and fattens to greater and greater proportions in the glut of a worldwide piracy? Is it because labor is truly represented in the law making bodies of state and nation? Or is it because big business is truly represented there?
Simple indeed must be the mind. that can find any mystery in the condition of the working class. The responsibility can be easily placed. Labor is not represented. Labor votes for the representatives of the old parties. The Republican elephant and the Democratic jackass, that will soon fuse and form a more representative animal–an amalgamated BULL to combat the ever growing power of the Socialist Party, the only party that represents the working class.
When did either of the old parties ever uphold labor in a strike? When did either party ever make a donation to a strike fund?
WHEN DID THE SOCIALIST PARTY EVER REFRAIN FROM DOING SO? What does the Socialist party send to labor in every crises–its speakers, its press and its money.
What do the old parties send? The SHERIFF, THE POLICE AND THE MILITIA.
The only difference between a local and national election is in the size of the elephant, jackass or the fusion BULL. It is the same organization to trample, kick or gore the working class in the interests of little and big business.
Any candidate that supports a system to exploit labor is consciously; or unconsciously opposed to the interests of the working class; and whether a local, state or national seeker for public office, is a factor in the multiplication of labor’s opponents. No matter what bait it uses; no matter what may be his record as a labor advocate, the fact that he is not feared by the business interests and suffers little or no opposition as an old party candidate but is supported by one or both of these parties, ought to be proof enough for the working class; that such a candidate dare not maintain working class interests against capitalist class interests, only far enough, perhaps, to get the fish, that he is baiting for, closer to the big business net. True representatives of labor do not adhere to parties whose records prove beyond a doubt that they serve a master class. Truthful representatives of labor do not set up rival parties as respective saviours of the working class and then prove themselves frauds and mountebanks by fusion against a party that is strictly a working class organization. In this fusion they prove again that there is no difference between them or the interest that they represent.
Socialism is opposed to militarism and demands a peace without punitive indemnity or territorial acquisition.
Socialists demand that the cost of war shall be paid by the capitalist class that profits by it, and whose paytriotism consists of raising the cost of living beyond the reach of our own poor until they perish–and not only that–those profiteers do not hesitate to make every effort in blocking the government when it urges their co-operation for better working conditions to bring the war to a successful issue. The capitalist class has proved itself to be unlawful, unscrupulous and treasonable to every country and to every citizen, yet it goes unpunished, while its prostituted press and its agitators cry for mob rule, for tar and feathers, and even death to all who have the courage to tell the truth and demand the right.
Socialism demands the public ownership and democratic control of the means of life. That the government, municipal, state and national shall be made truly democratic, so that the wish and will of the whole people shall be the law of the country.
Socialism cannot be carried in to full effect while the Socialist Party is a minority party. Nor can it be inaugurated in any single city. It can, however, establish such measures of improvement for the working class as possible and give the working class all lawful protection in its struggles with the capitalist class for better living conditions. And when the majority of the people realize that they can co-operatively own and control industry we shall then have Socialism; and for the first time–“a government of the people, for the people and by the people.”
Considering the industrial development of capitalism into great trusts and combines, and the modern method of a unity of capitalists to oppose the working class in its struggles for better living conditions, the times demand an organization of labor adequate to meet these newer conditions, if the working class is to progress rather than retrograde. We, therefore, urge upon the workers the necessity of adopting the industrial form of organization, in which every craft, tradesman and laborer co-operate both on the industrial and political field. This does not mean that the Socialist Party indorses any particular labor union, but that we do approve the industrial form of organization, in which every industry shall be organized to include every worker employed in such industry.
While indorsing candidates for election, the Socialist Party wishes to impress the fact that it is the principle of the party, as set forth in the foregoing, that should be considered. The virtues that determine the qualifications of such candidates are the virtues of working class loyalty. Other parties laud “good men;” and formulate platforms purely as vote catching propositions. Their platforms are made for their “good men” to run on before election and to run away from after the election.
The Socialist Party believes that the evils of the modern system may be materially relieved and their final disappearance hastened by the introduction of social, political and economic measures which have the effect of bettering the lives and strengthening the position of the workers and curbing the power and domination of the capitalists.
(1) That the city acquire as rapidly as possible, own and operate its public utilities, water, light and street railway systems; establish coal and wood yards, ice plants, etc.
On all public works, an eight hour day, union wages and progressive improvements in the conditions of labor to be established and maintained.
(2) That the city extend the service of all public school buildings as social centers for public gatherings of all kinds pertaining to amusement, recreation, health and education, including political meetings of any and all political parties.
(3) Rigid inspection of factories by local authorities for the improvement of sanitary conditions, ventilating, heating, etc. Safety appliances required in all cases for protection to the workers.
(4) Free legal advice and medical attendance where necessary, free from the taint of charity.
(5) Work for the unemployed in times of stress, if at all possible to provide it.
(6) No interference by the police in lawful picketing and no importation of private detectives, police or gunmen to break strikes. All protection needed by employers to be given thru local and state authorities by citizens of the state.
(7) The abolishment of the contract system on public work which is an open way for public graft.
Truth emerged from the The Duluth Labor Leader, a weekly English language publication of the Scandinavian local of the Socialist Party in Duluth, Minnesota and began on May Day, 1917 as a Left Wing alternative to the Duluth Labor World. The paper was aligned to both the SP and the I.W.W. leading to the paper being closed down in the first big anti-I.W.W. raids in September, 1917. The paper was reborn as Truth, with the Duluth Scandinavian Socialists joining the Communist Labor Party of America in 1919. Shortly after the editor, Jack Carney, was arrested and convicted of espionage in 1920. Truth continued to publish with a new editor J.O. Bentall until 1923 as an unofficial paper of the C.P.
PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/truth/1918/v02n11-mar-14-1918-truth.pdf

