A key organizational document of the Comintern. The process of reorganizing the way Marxist political projects engaged the class struggle, away from the electoral-party based model of Social Democracy, was part of the emergence of the Third International and was based far more in local, often syndicalist, experiences than it was in aping a Bolshevik one. Bolshevization, which would transform the parties of the International from 1924, was both a codification of that organic process and a, sometimes fraught, imposition of alien organizational lines. Adopted by the 5th Plenum of the Comintern in April, 1925 this was the most substantial statement on reorganization of the Communist International and its affiliates up to that time, and also formally embraces an ideologically and functionally uniform international.

‘Theses on the Bolshevisation of the Parties of the Comintern’ from International Press Correspondence. Vol. 5 No. 47. June 4, 1925.

PART I. THE PRESENTATION OF THE QUESTION.

1. The Resolution of the Second World Congress of the Comintern on the Role of the Party in the Proletarian Revolution.

The resolution of the Second World Congress of the Comintern on the role of the Party in the proletarian revolution, drawn up with the closet cooperation of Comrade Lenin, is one of the most important documents of the Communist International which has maintained its importance unimpaired up to the present. This resolution was drawn up at a time when the Communist International was just in process of formation and when it still included in its ranks semi-syndicalist and semi-anarchist groups; when the Communist International had only just outlined the 21 conditions and was conducting negotiations with the German Independents and other semi-social democratic organisations for their affiliation. This resolution described the character and role of the Party in proletarian revolutions Generally. At the present time, when the Communist International has taken definite shape, when it has conducted serious work against both the Right and against the ultra-Left tendencies, when in a number of countries mass Communist Parties have been formed and have become consolidated, the necessity arises for formulating the policy of the Communist International, not only on the question of the role of the Communist Party in proletarian revolutions generally, but also as to what should be done to transform our Parties in the shortest time possible into fully developed Bolshevik Parties.

It must not be forgotten that in 1919-1920 we had in Germany and in Italy, Parties affiliated to the Comintern, but these Parties were unable to handle the tasks with which history confronted them, in spite of the tremendous and spontaneous movements of the masses, just because they were not completely Bolshevik Parties.

2. The Slowing Down of World Revolution and the Slogan of Bolshevisation.

Already at the Third world Congress of the Comintern, it became clear that we were on the eve of a more or less protracted development of the world revolution. This became still more evident at the Fifth Congress.

With the slowing down and protracted rate of development of the revolution, the slogan of Bolshevisation gains rather than diminishes in importance.

A Bolshevik is not one who joins the Party when the revolutionary wave is at its height. A Bolshevik is he who participates in the work of building a Communist Party during long years and if need be, decades, in years of depression, and in years of slow development of the revolution. This does not mean that those comrades who join the Party when the revolutionary tide is rising are inferior to those who already joined the Party previously.

A Bolshevik Party does not spring up suddenly when the revolutionary wave has reached its climax. A Bolshevik Party participates in all struggles and is formed during the process of such struggles. Right Wing and wavering elements in the Comintern and amongst those sympathetic, are of the opinion that the slogan of Bolshevising the Party is inopportune, since revolutionary events are not developing rapidly. They fail to understand that if the tempo of revolutionary development flags, if in connection with this, vacillation among certain sections of the proletariat increases, and the tendency in favour of counter-revolutionary Social Democracy increases, then the necessity for the slogan of the Bolshevisation of the Party becomes all the more actual. It is precisely under these conditions that Communists must work with greater perseverance to create a bulwark against this wavering, to retain the best elements of the proletarian vanguard in our ranks, increase their number, hold aloft the banner of the proletarian revolution, and in this way be capable in very difficult circumstances to weld together a proletarian nucleus fitted to prepare for, and organise the proletarian revolution under all and any conditions. The Communist Party must be sufficiently flexible to go underground, when circumstances demand, in an orderly manner and without panic, not to surrender its legality easily, it must be able to combine illegal work with legal work, to utilise every, even the most insignificant “legal” hock in order to break through the limitations of underground work, it must take the lead in public mass movements, preparing the road for revolution, remaining all the time true to its fundamental revolutionary tasks.

In such circumstances, Communist Parties must bear in mind two fundamental dangers: on the one hand, the danger of becoming a small sect of “pure” Communists with “excellent” principles, incapable of establishing contact with the contemporary mass movements of the workers. On the other hand, there is the danger of falling to the level of an amorphous semi-Social Democratic Party, when the Party fails to combine the fight for winning over the masses of the workers, with the maintenance of loyalty to the principles of Communism. To be able to avoid the Scylla of narrow sectarianism and the Charibdis of amorphousness and vagueness means to facilitate the Bolshevisation of the Party.

3. Right Wing Dangers and Ultra-Left Deviations.

The slogan of Bolshevising the Party arose in the struggle against Right wing dangers. If the Fifth Congress of the Comintern had not so resolutely opposed the opportunist distortions of the tactics of the United Front and the Workers’ Government, we would be confronted by the immediate danger of certain Parties of the Comintern degenerating into opportunism. The correct slogan of the Third Congress “To the Masses” has been interpreted in a number of countries so incorrectly for two years that the real danger arose of the independent tactics of Communism being substituted by a policy of “coalition” between Communists and counter-revolutionary Social Democracy.

The Bolshevisation of the Parties must first of all and above all be directed in the future against these right wing distortions which threaten to foil the historic mission of the Comintern.

But Bolshevisation is impossible without combating also the ultra-Left deviations which frequently are nothing more nor less than opportunism turned inside out. At the moment when all efforts of the bourgeoisie and Social Democracy are directed towards liquidating the “Communist menace” among the masses, the ultra-Left deviations objectively aid the pressure of bourgeois Social Democratic reaction. The mistake of the ultra-Lefts for example on the question of Communists belonging to reformist or reactionary trade unions, could absolutely destroy the Communist Parties for years to come. Russian Bolshevism also took definite shape in the struggle against both opportunism and petty bourgeois “Left” revolutionarism.

4. Communist Parties and Bolshevist Parties.

Speaking generally, Communism, Marxism and Bolshevism are one and the same thing. “Communist Party” and “Bolshevik Party” are in themselves synonymous terms. In practice, however, they are not always the same thing. Several important sections of the Comintern had and partly still have to undergo a process of gradual evolution from left Social Democracy (in some cases from anarcho-syndicalist ideology) to genuine Communism, to Bolshevism. In a certain sense the whole work of the Comintern may be described as the Bolshevisation of the Labour Parties. The Communist International has incorporated into its ranks a considerable number of Parties, groups and individual comrades who formerly belonged to the Second International; this, of course, could not be otherwise. The Russian Bolshevik Party, too, was in the ranks of the Second International, which of course was unavoidable. But, owing to a combination of circumstances, the Russian Bolsheviks were able sooner than other Parties to break with the Second International. The objective revolutionary conditions in Russia helped Russian Bolshevism, under the leadership of Comrade Lenin, sooner than the others to take the form of a Bolshevik Party, i.e. of a genuine Communist Party. Even to-day it is possible to find in a number of sections of the Comintern, considerable groups of comrades who regard themselves as Communists, but not Bolsheviks. Bolshevisation consists in making all the Sections of the Communist International and all their sub-sections communists, i.e. Bolsheviks.

5. Bolshevisation and the Concrete Conditions of the Struggle.

It must not be supposed, however, that there is a panacea suitable for the Bolshevisation of all the Parties of the Comintern. Genuine Bolshevism demands above all a precise estimate of all the concrete circumstances of place and time. The Parties affiliated to the Comintern may be divided tentatively into the following three groups:

a) Parties who are only just passing through a predominantly propagandist period and are taking the first steps along the path of rallying the broad masses around the banner of Communism;

b) Parties which are already in the zone of more or less acute fighting and who have the support of considerable sections (sometimes the majority) of the masses of the workers;

c) Parties which have already conquered political power and are in the period of consolidating that power.

The first group includes a number of Parties which are still relatively weak.

The second group contains Parties like the German, French, Czechoslovakian, Bulgarian and Italian Parties, etc.

To the third group, as yet, only the Russian Communist Party belongs.

The Bolshevisation of the Sections of the Comintern is the study and the application of the experiences of the Russian Communist Party in the three Russian revolutions and also, of course, the experiences of every other section which has engaged in serious fighting. All the Sections of the Comintern must study the tasks that confront them in the light of these experiences and generalise their own experiences. It would be a serious error, however, to apply mechanically the experiences of Russia to the other countries, an error against which Comrade Lenin already uttered a warning. In the experiences of the Russian Revolution there is much which Comrade Lenin described as of universal significance for other countries (Soviets, etc.). In his “Left Wing Communism” Comrade Lenin wrote: “We now have a fair amount of international experience which quite definitely indicates that certain fundamental features of our revolution are not merely local, not peculiarly national, not merely Russian, but of international significance. I speak here of international significance not in the broad sense of the word: not several, but all the fundamental and many secondary features of our revolution have international significance in the sense that it has influenced all countries. No, it is in the narrowest sense of the word, i.e. understanding by international significance the international application, or historically inevitable repetition on an international scale of what happened in Russia, that certain fundamental features of our revolution must be regarded as of international significance. But, in the present historical moment, the situation is such that the Russian example shows to all countries something very essential in their inevitable and not distant future. The progressive workers in all countries have long ago understood, more frequently they have not so much understood as sensed this with their revolutionary class instinct. Hence, the international “significance” (in the narrow sense of the word) of the Soviet system and also of the principles of Bolshevist theory and tactics…Of course, there is much in the experience of the Russian Revolution, which will not be repeated in other countries.”

Comrade Lenin emphasised the peculiar conditions of the transition from capitalism to proletarian dictatorship in the various countries which arise from the peculiarity of the present epoch:

“Any Marxist”, wrote Comrade Lenin, “if asked if the transition from capitalism to the dictatorship of the proletariat will be even and equally harmonious in all countries will undoubtedly reply in the negative. Evenness, harmony and proportion never existed, and never could exist in the capitalist world: each country developed prominently some particular feature or group of features peculiar to capitalism and the labour movement” (“The Third International and its Place in History”).

Bolshevisation means the ability to apply the general principles of Leninism to given concrete conditions in a particular country. Bolshevisation means the ability to grasp at the principal “link” by which it will be possible to drag the whole “chain”. This “link” cannot be the same in every country, in view of the variety of the milieu and political conditions apparent in them. Bolshevisation is a prolonged and continuous process, which has only just been initiated in the best of the European Parties of the Comintern. The work which confronts us in this sphere is enormous and demands many years for its accomplishment.

PART II. MARXISM AND LENINISM.

6. Marxism and Leninism.

The sections of the Comintern can become genuine Communist Parties in the present epoch only by rallying to the banner of Leninism.

It is a matter of course that under no circumstances is Leninism to be contrasted with Marxism. Lenin was the most eminent pupil of Marx. Without Marxism there is no Leninism. But Leninism enriched Marxism first of all with the experience of three Russian revolutions and also with the experience of a number of other revolutionary movements in the period between the beginning of the 20th century and the present day. Above all, Leninism enriched the general doctrines of Marxism by the solution of the following questions:

1. The theory of imperialism and of the proletarian revolution.

2. The conditions and the forms of realising the dictatorship of the proletariat.

3. The mutual relations between the proletariat and the peasantry.

4. The significance of the national question generally.

5. Particularly the significance for the world proletarian revolution of national movements in colonial and semi-colonial countries.

6. The role of the Party.

7. The tactics of the proletariat in the epoch of imperialist wars.

8. The role of the proletarian State in the transition period.

9. The Soviet State as a concrete type of proletarian State in that period.

10. The problem of social sub-divisions in the proletariat itself as a source of the division of the labour movement into an opportunist and a revolutionary tendency etc.

11. Overcoming both the Right Social Democratic tendencies and Left deviations in the Communist movement (‘Left Wing Communism”).

Marx and Engels summarise mainly the experience of the social movements in France, England and Germany. Leninism, which has its source in the doctrines of Marx and Western experiences, fought in the front ranks against the distortions of Marxism by Western European Social democracy (Lenin’s fight against opportunism generally and against Kautskyism in particular) employing the method of Marx, it summarised at the same time the experience of the great revolutionary movements in the Near and Far East and on the frontiers of the Orient In Russia, China, India, etc.

The first epoch of Marxism–from the “Communist Manifesto” to the death of Marx.

The second epoch–the epoch of the Epigones of “Marxism”: from the foundation of the Second International to the outbreak of the imperialist war. This epoch, particularly in its first half gave proof of some strong phases: the formation of mass proletarian organisations, considerable educational work, etc. Taken as a whole, however, the ’90’s represent an epoch of the distortion of marxism. From 1907 approximately an international revolutionary wing of the labour movement began to be consolidated within the Second International.

The third epoch–the Leninist epoch. Leninism commences approximately on the eve of the first Russian Revolution (1903-04) and in 1917 wins its first world historical victory.

Without Marxism there is no Leninism, but after what the leaders of the Second International have done with Marxism; after the “revision” of Marxism made by Kautsky and Co., under the banner of marxism (particularly the fight these renegades of Marxism conducted against the proletarian dictatorship in Russia) it must be said that under present conditions there can be no revolutionary Marxism without Leninism.

Leninism is the Marxism of the epoch of monopolist capitalism. Imperialist wars and proletarian revolutions. The victory of the proletarian dictatorship in Russia, the growth of the proletarian and peasants movements almost throughout the whole world, the growing revolutionary movements for liberation of the colonial and semi-colonial peoples, all this in toto represents the beginning of the world revolution.

Leninism obtained it first direct victory in a country with a predominantly peasant population (Russia). But just as the Russian Revolution arose out of the general international situation, so Leninism is a product of the entire international proletarian movement. Ridding Marx’s appreciation of the great proletarian movements of the 19th century (Chartism, the Paris Commune) of the distortions of the opportunists, completing this appreciation by a Marxist criticism of the experiences of the growing new mass proletarian movements in Europe, America, and other parts of the world, weighing the great significance of the peasant and national revolutionary movements, which appeared with special force at the beginning of the 20th century, Lenin developed the doctrine of Marx to a new level. Leninism represents the consistent further development of the idea of the hegemony of the proletariat in conditions when the dictatorship of the proletariat is beginning to take the place of the dictatorship of imperialism.

The view that Marxism is only theory and that Leninism is only practice is incorrect, Leninism is the theory and practice of Marxism in the period of imperialism, imperialist wars and proletarian revolutions opened by the dictatorship of the proletariat in Russia. The Comintern has set itself the task of becoming an international organisation embodying the theory and practice of Leninism.

7. Bolshevisation and Revolutionary Traditions.

Bolshevisation does not by any means reject the heritage of previous generations of revolutionaries. The study of the history of the revolutionary struggle in one’s own country and in other countries is absolutely necessary for conscious activity in a Bolshevik Party at the present day. It should not occur that a French Communist be ignorant of the works of Lafargue and the better works of Guesdes written when he was still a Marxist. It should not happen that British Communists are not trained to respect Chartism and are ignorant of the most important documents of the Chartist movement. German Communists must not forget the experience of the struggle conducted by the better sections of Social Democracy in the period of the anti-socialist laws. The better works of Wilhelm Liebknecht and August Bebel must be used by the German Communists against the Social Democrats. Russian Communists must not forget the more brilliant pages of the activity of Plekhanov in the days when he was still a Marxist.

To bolshevise the Party means to enable it consciously to continue all that which was genuinely revolutionary and genuinely Marxian in both the First and the Second Internationals on the basis of Leninism.

8. Bolshevisation and Certain Theoretical Errors Committed in the Communist Camp. (Particularly Luxemburgist Errors).

The genuine assimilation of Leninism and its practical application in the construction of Communist Parties throughout the world is impossible without taking into consideration the errors of very prominent Marxists who strove to apply Marxism to the conditions of a new epoch, without being wholly successful in so doing.

Among these errors must be included those of the “left” Communists in Russia, the group of Dutch Marxians (Gorter and Pannekoek) and also those of Rosa Luxemburg. The nearer these political leaders are to Leninism, the more dangerous are those of their views which, being erroneous, do not coincide with Leninism.

The situation today is such that a number of Parties of the Comintern will find it impossible now to become genuinely Bolshevised unless they overcome for instance Luxemburgist errors, which owing to historical conditions, play an important part in the movement of the respective countries. Among the most important Luxemburgist errors of real importance at the present time, are:

a) The non-Bolshevik method of presenting the question of “spontaneity”, “consciousness”, “organisation” and the “mass”. The incorrect estimation of conditions made by the Luxembourgists who in their time, under the influence of the experience of the German Social Democratic Party, which frequently hampered the revolutionary development of the class struggle, were prevented from properly understanding the role of the Party in the revolution.

b) The under-estimation of the technical side of preparing for revolt hampered, and in some places even now hampers, the proper presentation of the question of “organising revolution”.

c) The error in the question of attitude towards the peasantry. In the last article written by Rosa Luxemburg, after the suppression of the Spartakus rising in January 1919, she was on the verge of realising her mistake in underestimating the role of the peasantry. In a number of her previous writings, Rosa Luxemburg underestimated the role of the peasantry, i.e. presented the peasant question, not in the Bolshevik spirit, but made a number of ideological concessions to the Social Democrats.

In practice, similar Social Democratic errors in connection with the peasant question were committed by the Hungarian Communists while in power, by the Polish Communist Party, by the Bulgarian Communist Party in 1923, by the Italian Maximalists, by the pseudo-Left Communist Labour Party of Germany and are being committed now by a number of Sections of the Comintern.

d) Equally serious were the errors committed by Rosa Luxemburg and a number of Polish, Dutch and Russian Marxists on the national question. The repudiation of the slogan of self- determination of nations (the right to form independent states) on the ground that under imperialism it is “impossible” to solve the national question, led in fact to a sort of nihilism in the national question which extremely hampered Communist work in a number of countries.

e) The propaganda of the party-political character of trade unions as was insisted upon for a number of years by the Polish Party under the leadership of Rosa Luxemburg, was a great mistake which evidenced the failure to understand the role of the trade unions as organisations embracing all wage workers. This mistake seriously hampered and still hampers the proper approach of the vanguard to the working class as a whole. The mistake which a section of the German Communists made prior to the Frankfurt Party Congress, in 1924, on the question of the trade unions was of an analogous character.

While paying just tribute to the greatness of the work of Rosa Luxemburg, one of the founders of the Communist International, the Comintern believes that it will be acting in the spirit of Rosa Luxemburg herself, if it will now help the Parties of the Comintern to draw the lessons from the errors made by this great revolutionary.

Without overcoming the erroneous aspects of Luxemburgism, genuine Bolshevisation is impossible. Only Leninism can serve as the guiding star of the Communist Parties throughout the world. Every deviation from Leninism is at the same time a deviation from Marxism.

It is equally necessary to combat resolutely all deviations from Leninism in the sphere of so-called “pure theory” philosophy, theory of political economy, etc.

The inadequate attention which some Parties devote to theory is the greatest hindrance to the genuine Bolshevisation of the Parties of the Comintern. As long as this “tolerant” attitude towards theoretical deviations etc., is maintained, genuine Bolshevisation of the Party is out of the question. Trotskyism is a particularly dangerous deviation from Leninism which is a species of Menshevism representing a combination of “European” opportunism and “Left Radical” phrases, thereby frequently concealing its political passivity. Trotskyism is no mere individual deviation towards Menshevism, but a system of fighting Leninism of many years standing. Neither is Trotskyism merely a Russian phenomenon but an international one. To realise Leninism in the Comintern, means to expose Trotskyism in all the Parties and to liquidate it as a tendency.

PART III. BOLSHEVIZTION AND WINNING A MAJORITY OF THE WORKING CLASS.

9. Bolshevisation and the Slogan “To the Masses”.

Social Democracy also created a mass movement, but that was a Reformist mass movement. Reduced to a general formula, Bolshevisation may be defined as the creation of a  mass proletarian revolutionary movement under the banner of the ideas of Marx and Lenin.

First of all and above all a Bolshevik is one who works among the masses. The slogan issued by the Third International Congress, “To the Masses, in order to win the majority of the most important sections of the proletariat” still remains in full force. The Fifth Congress did not only repeat this slogan, but on the contrary developed and lent it more profound significance.

10. Bolshevisation and Work in the Trade Unions.

Deviations on the question of work of Communists in trade unions conceal the greatest dangers for the work of really Bolshevising our Parties. Throughout the entire capitalist world, the trade unions represent the most important form of mass organisation of the proletariat. Other forms of mass organisation (factory councils, etc.), are extremely valuable and have certainly a great revolutionary future; but these new forms of mass organisation are just beginning to win general recognition among the masses of the workers. New forms of mass proletarian organisations like Soviets, only become feasible just at the beginning of the revolution. To foster the belief that Communists will be able, under the capitalist system to devise mass labour organisations other than trade unions is to abandon the realms of reality.

One of the most important integral parts of the doctrine of Leninism is the axiom of the necessity for communists to work even in the most reactionary unions. Communists have paid very dearly (the best example is Germany) for departures from this policy. Vacillation in this respect has resulted in the fact that the young Communist Parties throughout Europe have not yet properly commenced their work in the trade unions. One of the most important component parts of Bolshevisation consists in devoting to the work in existing Social Democratic and other trade unions (yellow, national-socialist, Christian and fascist) a hundred times more attention than they received hitherto. Only when this is done can the monopoly in the hands of the reformist leaders (the labour bureaucracy) in the trade unions be really broken. Only if this is done will the trade unions really be freed from the corrupting influence of reformism which is striving to destroy the significance of the trade unions as reliable weapons in the class struggle. The same argument, of course applies to factory councils where they exist or wherever the possibility exists of creating them on a mass scale.

Communists will increase their influence and will gain authority over the workers by defending immediate demands: higher wages, defence of the eight-hour day, struggle against unemployment etc., and by conscientiously and boldly taking the lead in all conflicts against employers.

This attitude is all the more necessary since the Social Democratic trade union “leaders” systematically betray the interests of the workers in all countries and do not scruple to take sides with the capitalists to sabotage or make null and void strike movements begun in spite of them.

To enable Communists to take up a correct attitude in all movements which bring the workers into conflict with capitalism, Communist Parties must make a careful examination of all the factors of the concrete conditions of all such struggles: the nature of the business of the factory or factory groups, the bulk and genuineness of orders placed, the connection and mutual intertwining of the various factories, syndicates and trusts, the organised strength and capacity for resistance of the employers and also the strength of the trade union organisations and the readiness for the struggle of both organised and unorganised workers, the possibility of the strike spreading and its political consequences. All this is essential to enable Communists to be in a position to give exact directions and to ensure that they take the lead in all proletarian encounters with capitalism.

11. Bolshevisation and the Correct Tactics of the United Front.

The Bolshevisation of the Parties of the Comintern does not exclude, but really presupposes the application by these Parties of the tactics of the United Front. The ability to find a correct method of approach to the masses and to have a clear view of the tasks of the vanguard in relation to the whole class–are characteristic features of Bolshevism. The tactics of the United Front have been and remain an actual method of revolutionary agitation and organisation of the masses, i.e. a correct method of approach for Communists to the masses of the workers in the present stage of the movement, when Social Democracy still has the support of the majority of the workers in a number of countries. The tactics of the United Front are by no means the monopoly of Right Wing elements in the Comintern. These elements may lay claim only to one thing: A monopoly of opportunist errors in the application of the tactics of the United Front. These tactics however themselves wholly and essentially appertain to Leninism.

The fight for the unity of the international trade union movement supported by the Comintern will be the principal fight in the next few years. The idea of the unity of the international trade union movement is beginning to gain ground among broad sections of the masses of the workers. The time is not far distant, when this question will become the most burning question in every trade union in every country.

The Comintern is only at the beginning of the application of the tactics of the United Front (and particularly the slogan of Workers’ and Peasants’ Government as interpreted by the Fifth International Congress). The discarding of the tactics of the United Front is incompatible with Bolsevisation.

12. Bolshevisation and Partial Demands.

“The Bolshevik Party is a Party of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat” and not “a Party of partial demands”; this is how the “ultra-Left” elements sometimes present the question. The Bolshevist Party is a Party of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat and precisely for that reason it systematically puts forward partial demands and links them up with its revolutionary tasks in order to win over the majority of the proletariat–this is the reply of Leninism. The reformists take every opportunity to put forward partial demands as a substitute for genuine revolutionary struggle. Bolsheviks utilise every partial demand in order to enlighten the masses on the necessity for revolution, and in order, by means of concrete facts to make clear to the masses the impossibility of any radical and lasting improvement of their conditions within the capitalist system. Bolsheviks put forward every concrete demand around which the masses rally in the light of the struggle for the revolution. To refuse to put forward partial demands generally, is the abandonment of the tactics of the United Front and what is more than that, it is a repudiation of the slogan, “To the masses”.

Simultaneously Communists should prove by examples to the masses that it is really the Reformists who sabotage every earnest fight for partial demands, that only the Communist Party–because of its orientation–is capable of leading the workers in their struggle for their daily interests and understands how to protect the toiling masses from all attacks on their standard of living.

The repudiation of partial demands is incompatible with Bolshevisation.

13. Work Among the Workers Affiliated to the Second and Amsterdam Internationals.

In the majority of countries the Second and the Amsterdam Internationals in one way or another still have in their ranks considerable sections of the workers. The tasks of Bolshevising our own Parties undoubtedly include constant work among those proletarians who are still affiliated to the organisations hostile to us. The methods of work among these sections of the proletariat cannot, of course, be uniform and depend entirely upon the concrete circumstances prevailing in the given country or even in the given industry. But the obligation to conduct such work equally concerns all Parties affiliated to the Comintern.

14. Bolshevisation and the Youth Movement.

Communist Parties do not yet devote sufficient attention to work among the youth. Even in large Communist Parties there are scores of local organisations which have not yet been able to organise Communist Youth Groups in their respective localities.

One of the tasks connected with Bolshevisation, is to win over the whole of the working class youth in all, countries,–that generation of the working class which grew up amidst conditions of world imperialist wars and the beginning of world revolution. While Social Democracy relies mainly upon the more bourgeois sections of the labour aristocracy, which arose in the peace epoch, the Communist Parties of all countries, on the contrary, among their other tasks, must strive to organise the whole of the proletarian youth of the new epoch under our banner.

15. Bolshevisation and Work Among Women.

The more profound a given popular movement, the more active are the women toilers in it.

The work of enlisting the hundreds of thousands and millions of women of the working class into the struggle, is also one of the most important premises of Bolshevisation. This Meeting of the Enlarged Executive Committee of the Comintern declares that in this sphere our work is extremely unsatisfactory. The enlistment of proletarian women for active work and in the struggle is one of the premises for winning over the majority of the working class. Our victory in the civil war is impossible, if the proletarian women, the women workers, do not fight shoulder to shoulder with us, just as the building up of Communist society is impossible without the active, conscious cooperation of the women of the working class.

The Enlarged Executive, therefore, impresses upon all sections the duty of carrying out the decisions of the Fifth World Congress and of the Third Conference of Communist Women on this point. Work amongst women must be completely incorporated into general Party work, both organizationally and ideologically. Moreover, auxiliary organs or organisations (committees of action and of control, delegates’ bodies, etc.) must be created to organise the masses of women under Communist leadership, to bring them under the influence of the Party and to maintain them in permanent contact with it.

16. Work Among the Unemployed.

The Communist Parties of all countries must devote most serious attention to work among the unemployed. In view of the attitude of the bourgeoisie and Social Democracy towards the millions of unemployed, the Communist Parties, by devoting proper attention to this work, could gain decisive influence among this section of the proletariat.

17. Bolshevisation and our Press.

A state of affairs such as that which exists in Berlin, Paris and Milan for example, where there is a comparatively extensive circle of Communist readers, but a comparatively small number of constant readers of our press, is intolerable. An analogous (and even worse) position is evident in other countries. Bolshevisation demands that our press becomes a popular press in the best sense of the word, i.e. that it penetrates into every working class home, and that every one who sympathises with us should read our newspapers. It is necessary to take measures both of an organisational and literary character in order to secure the permeation of our press into the very heart of the masses of the workers, and in this manner convert it into an instrument for the Bolshevisation of the masses. Questions of worker (and peasant) correspondents, the publication of wall newspapers, factory journals, the training of proletarian writers, etc., must receive the most far-reaching attention.

PART IV. BOLSHEVIZATION AND THE QUESTION OF THE ALLIES OF THE PROLETARIAT IN REVOLUTION.

18. The Allies of the Proletariat in Revolution.

The basic attitude of Communists to the petty bourgeoisie as a possible ally of the proletariat in revolution is exhaustively and clearly defined in the classical works of Marx, Engels, and Lenin–from the “Communist Manifesto” down to Lenin’s latest works.

One of the most important tasks of Bolshevisation con- sists in the proper application of this principle to the conditions under which a given Communist Party has to carry on its struggle.

One of the strongest points in Leninism, ensuring victory to Bolshevism in the revolution, has always consisted in the ability to discover a concrete ally for a given concrete task: in Russia–alliance with the entire peasantry against czarism, and subsequently alliance with certain sections of the peasantry against the bourgeoisie, etc.

Leninism always considered it one of its main tasks to estimate correctly what intermediate strata are suitable as allies of the proletariat in the given stage of revolutionary development, and what are the main demands which form a link between these strata and the proletariat in the given situation.

It is precisely because Leninism considers the problem of proletarian dictatorship a practical task of the immediate future that it gives prominence to the question of possible allies for the working class in time of revolution as one of the most important immediate tactical problems.

Basically, Leninism subdivides the petty bourgeoisie into three groups: some strata of the petty bourgeoisie can and therefore must be won over in the capacity of direct allies of the proletariat, even if only temporarily; other strata must be neutralised; against the third strata (the upper section of the urban and rural petty bourgeoisie) an energetic fight must be waged.

In a number of countries of Western Europe (for instance in Germany) considerable sections of minor urban office workers clerks, officials, the technical intellectuals, etc., under the existing correlation of forces between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, may to a certain degree become the allies of the struggling proletariat. These sections could under certain circumstances play more or less the same role as the peasantry in certain stages of the proletarian revolution in Russian.

One of the most important component parts of Bolshevisation is the adoption of correct and skillful tactics with respect to the intermediate strata of the population which vacillate between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, but sections of whom under definite conditions may partially throw in their lot with the working class.

19. Bolshevisation and Proletarian Policy Towards the Peasantry.

The Bolshevik Party is a Workers’ Party. The doctrine of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat is the fundamental teaching of Bolshevism. Yet the question of the peasantry as the class which is nearest to the proletariat and as the most important of all possible allies of the proletariat in the revolution, is of paramount importance to Bolshevism, prior as well as after the conquest of political power by the proletariat.

“The proletariat becomes a truly revolutionary class, truly Socialist in its actions, only by acting as the vanguard of all those who work and are exploited and as their leader in the struggle for the overthrow of the exploiters; this cannot be achieved without carrying the class struggle into the rural districts, without making the labouring masses of the countryside gather round the Communist Party of the urban proletariat, without the peasants being educated by the urban proletariat.” (Comrade Lenin’s Theses on the Agrarian Question, adopted at the Second Congress of the Communist International).

The fundamental partial problem of the Communist Parties may be summarised as follows:

1. Struggles of the proletarian vanguard against the Social-democrats for the capture of the majority of the proletariat.

2. Struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie, (imperialism) for the capture of the majority of the peasantry in the final analysis this constitutes the basic problem of the tactics of he Communist Party.

The Leninist view of the role of the peasantry not only in Russia, but throughout the world is expounded in Comrade Lenin’s resolution adopted by the Second World Congress of the Communist International. This document internationalises Leninist views on the role of the peasantry. It is one of the most remarkable and unsurpassed Leninist documents.

According to this resolution, the rural population throughout the capitalist world is divided into three groups which together form the majority of the countryside and which can, and therefore must, be won over by the proletariat.

“The toiling and exploited masses of the countryside whom the urban proletariat must lead into the struggle, or at least win over, are represented in all capitalist countries by the following groups:

“First, the agricultural proletariat, the hired labourers (by the day, by the year and for the season) who have to earn their living by hiring themselves out to capitalist agricultural enterprises, and to industrial enterprises connected therewith.

“Secondly, semi-proletarians or semi-peasants, i.e. those who earn their living partly by hiring themselves out to capitalist agricultural enterprises and partly by working on their own or rented plot of land which yields only part of the foodstuffs necessary for the maintenance of the family. This group of the rural working class population is very numerous in all capitalist countries. However, the representatives of the bourgeoisie and the Socialists adhering to the Second International do their utmost to ignore the existence of the position of this group of workers, partly deliberately deceiving the workers and partly submitting blindly to customary petty bourgeois views and merging this group with the general mass of peasantry.

“Thirdly, the small peasants, i.e. those who own or lease small plots of land, which are just sufficient to meet their requirements and eliminate the necessity of employing hired labour. This section of the rural population certainly stands to gain from the victory of the proletariat.

“These three groups taken together form in all countries the majority of the rural population. Therefore, the ultimate success of the proletarian revolution is guaranteed not only in towns, but also in the country…”

One of the most important premises for the genuine Bolshevisation of our Parties is the systematic work necessary to carry out this resolution. First of all, it is essential for every worker, every rank and file Communist to know and to understand this resolution. Moreover, every section of the Comintern should consider it its foremost duty to familiarise the masses with the views expressed in this resolution and to take practical steps for its realisation. We must admit that the majority of Communist Parties has not yet taken this work seriously in hand.

20. Bolshevisation and Proletarian Policy on the National Question.

The national question in colonial and semi-colonial countries, and by no means in these alone, is to a great extent a peasant question, in as far as the peasantry forms the majority of the Population of these countries. Bolshevik policy in the colonial question cannot be carried out unless the national question is properly presented. The experience of the last few years has shown that in various countries and under varying conditions, Communists make the same mistake, namely to underestimate the national question a mistake which makes it impossible for them to win over to their side considerable sections of the population, which are at times of decisive importance. Nihilism and indifference in connection with the national questions (or above all concessions to the “imperialist” viewpoint of the dominant national group) have greatly injured the German Communist Party and some Balkan Sections of the Comintern, as well as the Czechoslovakian Communist Party, etc.

The resolution of the Second World Congress on the national question, together with subsequent decisions of the Communist International, give very clear theoretical and tactical directions to the Communists throughout the world on this question. There can be no Bolshevisation without a correct policy on the national question.

PART V. CONCRETE TASKS BEFORE THE VARIOUS PARTIES

21. The Immediate Concrete Tasks of the Various Parties.

Approximately these tasks are as follows: (The most important points are given):

A. The USSR. At the present juncture the task of Bolshevisation must concentrate on the following.

1) Complete Liquidation of Trotskyism as an internal Party tendency. This liquidation is a primary condition for guaranteeing a correct policy for the RCP. on the following points: a) attitude towards the peasantry, b) complete supremacy of the Party in the State apparatus, in economic organs also during the present Nep period, etc.

2) In carrying out the absolutely correct and obligatory policy of the Party on the peasant question, to take all measures (inter alia with the help of the Dictatorship) for the systematic development of the elements of socialist economy, and to strengthen thereby the economic base of the proletarian dictatorship and to help forward the transformation of Russia from a Nep into a socialist country.

B. Great Britain: The Communist Party, in making its first serious efforts in the direction of becoming a mass Communist Party, must regard the following as its central task in Bolshevisation:

1) Work in the trade unions. Special attention to be paid to the Minority Movement; the masses to be imbued with the Marxist viewpoint on the connection between economics and politics. In view of the peculiar inter-relations between the British trade unions and the Labour Party, the idea prevails in many trade union circles that the trade unions play the leading role and that the leaders of the Labour Party are so to speak only the executors of the will of the trade unions, whilst in reality the contrary is the case.

2) Agitation against imperialist tendencies which have also become entrenched among the British labour aristocracy, (the colonial question) and especially adequate attention to the Irish question.

3) Establishment of a firmly-knit centralised Party organisation and liquidation of dilettante working methods.

4) Systematic application of the United Front tactics.

C. France: Bolshevisation at the present juncture implies the following:

1) Campaign for Trade Union Unity.

2) Establishment of trade unions of a more mass character generally; consideration of the fact that France has become very much industrialised during the past few years and that its working class has grown considerably in numerical strength. The existing trade unions, however, are as yet numerically very weak.

3) Establishment of the closest contact at all costs between the Party and the United General Confederation of Labour (CGTU.) on the basis of the tactics and policy outlined by the Comintern.

4) In spite of all former French traditions, establishment of a well organised Communist Mass Party. Forty to fifty thousand new members should be added to the Party.

5) Organisational consolidation of the mass influence which the Party exercises over the Paris workers.

6) Utmost efforts to be made to bring the influence of the Party in the most important industrial centres (Departments) up to the level of the influence of the Party in Paris.

7) Serious influence among the peasantry to be secured.

8) Anti-militarist propaganda to be carried on primarily through the peasantry and the Young Communist League.

9) Special attention to be paid to immigrant workers.

10) Energetic work to be conducted in the Colonies.

D. Germany: Here the task of Bolshevisation implies the following:

1) Liquidation of “Left” mistakes on the trade union question not only in theory but also in practice.

2) Party agitation and propaganda to be placed on a more concrete basis in order to terminate all vacillations whatsoever as to the admissibility of partial demands.

3) Application of United Front tactics, which in the present situation (exposure of the corruption of some of the most prominent Social Democratic leaders, etc.) promises to give good results.

4) Greater attention to the work of the organised capturing of the masses, (not only agitational campaigns in the press).

5) Greater attention to the work among petty officials, clerks, etc.

6) A practical treatment of the question of work among the peasantry.

7) Propagation of the slogan: “Workers’ and Peasants Government” as interpreted by the Fifth Congress, i.e. in the revolutionary sense which excludes every opportunist interpretation of the slogan.

8) The adoption of every means to secure sound and normal internal Party development and the removal of all the effects of previous fractional conflicts, the firm maintenance of Party. unity against any fresh attempts to create fractions.

9) Further struggle against all fresh deviations now when the political policy of the Party has become sufficiently consolidated and organised. This should be attained by means of an extensive ideological and political educational campaign to train fresh Party functionaries, by systematically enlarging the cadres of active Party workers, and by enlisting and assimilating still more than formerly the best forces of the former opposition elements, in as far as these comrades can be won over for loyal cooperation in the spirit of the resolution passed by the Party.

10) Execution of the political policy of the Party, while at the same time observing the methods of internal Party democracy, and conducting systematic educational work, so that through discussions, wide sections of the Party membership may become convinced of the correctness of the policy adopted by the Party.

E. Czechoslovakia. Here the process of Bolshevisation implies the following:

1) The raising of the fighting capacity of the Party, abolition of parliamentary-municipal opportunism, and generally speaking the liquidation of the Right tendency within the Party composed of people of the Bubnik type.

2) Inception of the campaign for the Federation of all trade unions not only in name, but in reality.

3) The Party must learn to conduct concentrated political campaigns, extending and developing its slogans in accordance with the development of the movement.

4) All efforts should be concentrated on obtaining unanimity based on Bolshevik lines at all costs in organisations such as those of Prague, Kladno, Brünn, etc.

5) Incomparably more attention should be paid to the Youth Movement.

6) A bolder and more revolutionary attitude towards the National and Peasant questions and more attention to organisational work on this field.

7) Special attention to the formation of Party cadres trained in a truly Leninist spirit.

F. Italy: 1) Still further increase of Party agitational influence on the masses of the workers, by means of breaking through the limitations of underground activity necessitated by Fascism.

2) Regular political campaigns to be conducted more systematically.

3) Trade unions to be permeated more effectively than hitherto and to develop the fight for Trade Union Unity in spite of the provocative attitude of the reformists, who have begun to expel members of the Communist Party.

4) Systematic work to be undertaken to establish, consolidate and capture factory and workshop committees.

5) The slogan of establishing peasant committees should not be the limit, but at all costs actual penetration right into the villages by means of the workers and the progressive peasants.

6) Greater attention to be paid to questions of Marxian ideology.

7) Struggle against all ideological deviations, against the doctrinaire and theoretical conceptions of Bordiga and against the reformism represented in Graziadei’s economic theory.

G. Poland. 1) In spite of extremely difficult conditions created by terrorism and provocation, efforts must be made for the more effective permeation of trade unions and for the organisation of a campaign for Trade Union Unity.

2) Adoption once and for all of bold and decisive lines on the national’ peasant questions in a true spirit of Leninism.

3) Concentration of untiring attention on the need for giving the increasingly developing peasant movement a revolutionary organised character.

4) Greater attention to be paid to the establishment of a single centralised Party out of the various component sections on the basis of a correct national policy.

This task also confronts a number of other countries, such as Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, etc.

H. America. 1) More intensive work must be conducted in trade unions and better organisation of our influence on them (Communist fractions).

2) Fusion of all national groups of the Party into a real homogeneous Party.

3) Greater attention to be paid to agitation connected with everyday conditions of working class life (application of United Front tactics).

I. The Balkans. 1) Presentation both of the peasant and national questions in their concrete form in the Balkans, and the role of imperialism in the Balkan countries from the Leninist viewpoint.

2) Utilisation of the experiences of the peasant and national movements in the Balkans to secure a correct attitude in respect of the peasant and national organisations.

3) Struggle for the liquidation of the illegality of the Communist Parties and of working class organisations, and coordination of legal and illegal activities.

4) Mobilisation of the Parties for the struggle for the immediate demands of the masses.

5) Consolidation of the Communist Parties under conditions of illegality. Introduction of more working class elements into their ranks and formation of united and energetic executives. Increased centralisation and strict discipline in the Parties.

6) Consolidation of Party influence in the trade unions and cooperatives. Struggle for Trade Union Unity.

7) Liquidation of fractional struggle by laying down correct political lines for the action of Communist Parties in agreement with the CI and by the methodical education of the rank and file Party members (Yugoslavia).

8) Coordination of the actions of the Communist Parties through the consolidation of the Communist Balkan Federation.

22. Bolshevisation and Anti-Monarchist Agitation.

It is erroneous to refrain from anti-monarchist propaganda on the ground that it is the bourgeoisie which actually rules under the aegis of the monarchy. Communists should lay stress on the slogan “Down with the Monarchy” in Great Britain, in Italy, in the Balkan countries, etc. but also in Germany, Communists must be able to combine their anti-monarchist agitation with the everyday economic and political struggle. Bolshevism does not mean to refrain from republican-democratic agitation against the monarchy, but implies ability to combine this agitation with socialist demands and to explain to the workers generally the transformation of the revolutionary-democratic movement into the socialist movement.

23. Numerical Growth of Certain Communist Parties–Illegal Parties.

In a number of countries in France, Germany, Great Britain, Czechoslovakia, Italy, Sweden, Norway and America, Communist Parties are working now under circumstances in which they could and ought to have increased their membership considerably. Such a numerical growth (its importance is at times underestimated by Party leaders) far from hindering the Bolshevisation of these Parties, could on the contrary facilitate it.

Those Parties forced to work under illegal conditions must utilise every means to bring their organised influence to bear on the masses of the workers and peasants generally in an ever increasing degree. If every constitutional illusion that is the illusion that legal activity will be tolerated by the bourgeoisie without an illegal organisation is of extreme danger, still illegal parties must take advantage of every passing opportunity to group sympathetic workers even loosely together, in order to ensure a basis for legal Party work in the agitation and propaganda spheres.

PART. VI. BOLSHEVIZATION AND ORGANIZATIONAL QUESTIONS.

24. Bolshevisation and Organisational Questions.

The most important premise of Bolshevisation is a correct Bolshevik policy, a policy enabling us to capture the masses. No organisational form will be of any avail without a correct Bolshevik policy capable of guaranteeing first and foremost correct relations between the Party and the entire class, between the Party and non-party workers. But even the best policy of a Communist Party will not be able to reach the entire Party membership and through these the masses if the Party lacks a well-knit and suitable organising apparatus. But on the basis of its revolutionary experience, Leninism has elaborated a whole system of views on various questions including the question of organisation, which are of the utmost importance for the Bolshevisation of the Parties.

The principle and fundamental organisational form of every Bolshevik Party is the factory Party nucleus. The old principle of organisation borrowed from the Social Democrats, according to which the Party is constructed on the basis of constituencies, convenient for parliamentary elections, is not acceptable to Communists. It is impossible to establish a real Bolshevik Party unless the organisation is placed on the basis of factory and workshop nuclei.

In addition to factory and workshop Party nuclei in such organisations as trade unions, factory and workshop committees, cooperatives, etc., one can, and in fact, one should proceed to the creation of a whole series of auxiliary and non-Party organisations: tenants, unemployed, ex-soldiers, etc. (with Communist nuclei within them). Bolshevisation demands that our Parties take advantage of every opportunity for making the network of workers’ organisations as close and intertwined as possible. Advantage should be taken of every significant topic of the day to create auxiliary loosely formed organisations, provided they have vitality.

The initiative for the creation of such organisations must be taken by the Party Executives through Party members who then must take the superintendence of these organisations into their own hands. Communists should form Communist fractions in these organisations, which then receive directions from the Party executives.

The respective Party executives must pay special attention to work in the nuclei, establish a close connection with them, issue instructions to them, prepare and elaborate material for them and make them participate in the discussion and decision of all political, economic and Party questions.

The campaign commenced for the reorganisation of our Parties on a factory and workshop nuclei basis should be energetically pursued and brought to a conclusion (*There are cases when such reorganisation should not be forced, for example: small Parties in big industrial countries) with as little delay as possible. But our Parties must not forget that this reorganisation in itself alone is not by any means complete Bolshevisation. It is only part of it. They must above all bear in mind that organisation of factory and workshop nuclei is only the first step, for the Party must imbue these nuclei with political life, provide them with trained leaders who must be recruited in the factories and workshops for this work. The nucleus should also be taught to adopt methods in its work capable of increasing the influence of our Party among the workers employed in enterprises, factories, and workshops, etc.

25. Bolshevisation and the Resolution of the Third Congress of the Communist International on Organisation Questions.

The resolution of the Third World Congress on the organisation question has by no means been carried out in its entirety. One of its most important paragraphs is that which deals with the necessity to conduct the work in such a way that every rank and file members of the Party should feel the obligation of working for the Party, and that the entire Party apparatus should gradually draw as many rank and file communists as possible into its work. The Enlarged Executive Committee of the Comintern draws attention once more to this paragraph of the resolution, and is of the opinion that it must be put into practice as a pre- mise to ensure Bolshevisation. The Enlarged Executive draws the attention of the Communist Parties to the resolutions adopted by the Fifth World Congress on the question of organization. It also endorses the resolution adopted by the organisation conference of the sections of the C.I. and recommends its application in every detail.

26. Bolshevisation and the Problem of Party Cadres.

In order to establish a Bolshevik Party, it is necessary to be able to build up in the course of years Party cadres fit for this work. Such cadres are formed not only by means of organised elections, but mainly by selecting suitable workers on the strength of their activity. The process of such selection is necessarily slow. From factory and workshop nuclei to the Central Committee of the Party only workers who have stood the test of political activity and struggle should be selected for these cadres. One of the foremost tasks of every Communist Party should consist in selecting very carefully the leading cadres among the more advanced workers distinguished by their energy, capability, knowledge and devotion to the Party. Communist cadres of working class organisers should be imbued with the idea that they are not preparing the revolution as a side issue, but that they have to give themselves up body and soul to the revolutionary struggle and must place themselves completely at the disposal of the Party. A Communist organiser must not resemble a Social Democratic “official”. A Communist organiser must live and work among the masses in factories, workshops and mines–always ready to be sent by the Party wherever he or she is most needed. These workers must be systematically helped to become real organisers of the masses, Party and trade union leaders.

The importance of the vanguard is enormous. But it stands to reason that the vanguard and the Party cadres, to do justice to their historic task, must really get into contact with the non-Party masses. A Communist Party which forgets this and holds itself aloof ceases to be a vanguard.

It is essential to impart a more working class character to the leading institutions of the Party. Working class leaders should be treated with patience and care and encouraged to work for their own improvement, given opportunities to prove their worth by the allocation of more important and increasingly responsible work.

27. Bolshevisation, Internal Party Democracy and Discipline.

The Bolshevik Party does not regard internal Party democracy as an abstract “principle” but presents the question concretely. The Esthonian, or the Bulgarian Communist Parties, for instance, cannot apply internal Party democracy as the French or the British Communist Parties can. The German Communist Party cannot act in accordance with the methods of Party cleaning and the conditions of acceptance into the Party adopted by the Russian Communist Party. The forms of internal Party organisation must be subordinated to the fundamental interests of the struggle for proletarian dictatorship. Under all circumstances, however, the Communist Party must preserve a certain amount of freedom of internal Party criticism, must inculcate its spirit of equality among the members, the superior bodies of the Party must be attentive and helpful to lower nuclei, the principle of election must be maintained, etc. This will stimulate the activity of the Party masses and secure the cooperation of the lower bodies and all the nuclei of the Party in the political and organisational life of the Party, thus fostering initiative on the part of the workers in the Party.

Iron proletarian discipline is one of the most important premises of Bolshevisation. Parties displaying on their banners the device: “Dictatorship of the Proletariat” must understand that victorious proletarian dictatorship cannot be achieved without iron Party discipline which it takes years and years to acquire. For Bolsheviks it is not a case of reiterating the stereotyped Social Democratic phrases about the advantage of discipline in general, but rather of making workers realise that without exercising the strictest Party discipline, based on ideo- logical power, and to maintain and consolidate proletarian dictatorship, that without such discipline civil war is doomed to failure.

28. Bolshevisation and the Party Apparatus.

One cannot have a centralised, well organised and strongly welded Bolshevik Party without a proper Party apparatus.

At present some sections of the Comintern are burdened with an unwieldy Party apparatus out of all proportion with the Party itself and therefore frequently bureaucratic. Other sections again have hardly any Party apparatus at all.

The Enlarged E.C.C.I instructs the Presidium in conjunction with the OrgBureau and the representatives of the respective Parties to devise measures to enable every one of the Comintern Parties to form for themselves an apparatus in accordance with the interests of the work.

29. Bolshevisation and Self-Criticism.

Struggle against what Comrade Lenin called “Communist Boastfulness” against smug self-content and conceit in the Communist ranks, is one of the most important premises of Bolshevisation. Without healthy self-criticism in our own ranks, dictated by concern for the interests of the proletarian revolution, struggle against overestimating our forces and successes, (but also against faint-hearted grousing) without realistic and sober estimation of the forces of the opponent there can be no true Bolshevisation.

30. Scheduled Work and Control of its Execution.

In countries where the work of the Communist Parties can be carried out under normal conditions it is essential to elaborate a general plan of work for six or twelve months ahead, in order to learn to concentrate the forces of the Party on the main and fundamental tasks.

Instances may be observed where central and local organisations make many correct decisions, but are unable to put them into practice. It must become an integral part of all our organisations to keep control over the execution of all decisions made. It is better to make fewer decisions, and to ensure that they are actually executed. “Quality rather than quantity” (Lenin).

PART VII. BOLSHEVIZATION AND INTERNATIONAL LEADERSHIP.

The establishment of a homogeneous world Communist Party based on democratic centralism demands serious efforts on the part of all sections affiliated to the Comintern. Bolshevisation is incompatible with separate and federalist tendencies. The World Party of Leninism must not be welded by mechanical discipline, but by unity of Party will and Party action. It is absolutely necessary to eliminate all tendencies towards isolation, group sectarianism, and narrow circle psychology. Every Party affiliated to the Comintern must give its best forces to international leadership. It is essential to instill into the minds of the masses the conviction that in the present epoch the great economic and political struggles of the working class can only be won if they are controlled on an international scale from one centre.

No Communist Party should recoil from illegal work. Illegality is a condition in which many Communist Parties must now work and which in the epoch of the increased intensification of the social struggles might extend to many Parties of the Comintern which today are still legal.

Every Communist Party must reckon with illegality as a possible and probable condition, and must be prepared to transfer to illegal work. Whenever the political situation becomes seriously acute, it must take the proper measures which will enable it to continue its work illegally after its organisation has been prohibited; it must keep its whole technical apparatus for illegality in readiness. But all unnecessary playing with illegality must be avoided and the Party must defend its legality to the bitter end.

On the other hand the Parties which are compelled to work illegality of conducting legal activity and for the extension of such opportunities.

The Party should not allow any form of legal activity to be taken from it (election campaigns, parliamentary activity, the legal press, factory councils, trade unions, educational societies, cooperatives, sick benefit societies, etc.). The masses of workers and peasants must become accustomed to protect the legal opportunities of their Party and to meet every attack of the bourgeoisie and the social traitors against these opportunities with mass demonstrations (strikes, demonstrations, etc.).

The principal basis of the activity of an illegal Party is strict Party discipline, which must be much more strict than that of the legal Parties. But this discipline should not be confounded with bureaucratisation. Even under the most extreme illegality, there is still the possibility of Party democracy, freedom of discussion, and of election of all Party representatives. Any unnecessary limitation to this democracy would cause the separation of the Party from the masses, would make it pedantic and transform it into a group of conspirators. But once the Party officials have been elected, they must be able to count in all their activities on the iron discipline of the Party membership, and Party discussion may be carried on only until the Party comes into action.

Party discipline in an illegal Party also includes the strictest methods of conspiracy. The composition of the Party organs, the internal Party affairs and such like, must be kept strictly secret from the Party members. Any breach of conspiracy must be ruthlessly punished, by the dismissal of the responsible Party officials, Party trial and expulsion from the Party.

In the illegal Parties, more care must be exercised in the acceptance of new members. The moral value of the new Party members, their strength of character, etc. must be very carefully investigated. The behaviour of Communists under arrest, cross-examination and in prison is extremely important; such situations serve as the fiery ordeal for the firmness of a Communist and his devotion to the Party, and are of extreme importance for the authority of the whole Party. Especially during cross-examination a revolutionary must be doubly careful in his demeanour; every word carelessly dropped might endanger both the Party and the Communist movement.

One of the most important tasks of illegal Parties is the fight against spying and provocation. The most important weapon in the fight against provocation is to mobilise the opinion of the working class against it and to train the workers to react to all acts of provocation and denunciation with the most determined methods. In factories we must continually be on the watch to discover and drive out police informers.

International Press Correspondence, widely known as”Inprecorr” was published by the Executive Committee of the Communist International (ECCI) regularly in German and English, occasionally in many other languages, beginning in 1921 and lasting in English until 1938. Inprecorr’s role was to supply translated articles to the English-speaking press of the International from the Comintern’s different sections, as well as news and statements from the ECCI. Many ‘Daily Worker’ and ‘Communist’ articles originated in Inprecorr, and it also published articles by American comrades for use in other countries. It was published at least weekly, and often thrice weekly.

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