Aside from all else, fascism is a magnet for gangsters and grifters. Here, fascist thieves fall out in Italy, with predictable bloody consequences.

‘The Fights Within Fascism’ by G. Rossi from International Press Correspondence. Vol. 6 No. 56. August 12, 1926.

The most important event in the home politics of Italy in the last few months was the fall of Farinacci, the General Secretary of the Fascist party and his replacement by Augusto Turati (not to be confused with the social democratic leader of the same name). Farinacci’s resignation, which of course was forced upon him, was the culminating point of the fights which have been taking place in the corridors and antichambers of the various palaces in Rome, in which the Ministry of the Interior, the Prime Minister’s offices and the offices of the Fascist party are housed. After the Matteotti case came to an end, Farinacci was superfluous and was removed.

Although the censorship prevents any discussion and any explanation of this matter, the Farinacci affair is causing the Government much worry. There have been conflicts between Fascists in various Italian towns, in Turin, in Genoa and other places. Thus, in Savona, the opposition succeeded in taking possession of the Town Hall, the Sub-Prefecture and the premises of the Fascist party and the Fascist trade unions. The plot was suppressed in time by the police, the Carabinieri and the militia. In Naples also there were serious encounters between the official Fascists and those of the opposition in consequence of the death of Captain Padovani who had been excluded form the party and who died under peculiar circumstances. It is further a telling fact that Farinacci was called upon by the Prefect of Milan to leave without delay that town, in which he had come together with his friends. In Trieste also there were a number of sharp conflicts between the public forces and Fascists, which even led to shots being fired in the streets of the town.

The chief scandal however was caused by the Fascist Press and by the authorities in connection with the collapse of the Agrarian Bank of Parma. In this collapse, some of Farinacci’s friends from Cremona, a town in the neighbourhood of Parma, were involved. The responsible director of the Bank was Count Lusignani, one of the most famous businessmen, who had only recently declared himself a Fascist and had understood how to procure the friendship and protection of Farinacci in spite of the most violent opposition of a section of the Fascists of Parma.

The breakdown of the Bank in itself is of no special importance. It was merely a case of several millions which were squandered by a few financiers and political businessmen, that is to say of an event, which is by no means anything peculiar under the Fascist regime. Farinacci’s opponents however seized the opportunity and embarked on a violent campaign of agitation. Matters were brought to light which otherwise might have been left in the dark. Among other things, Farinacci’s friends were accused of having embezzled money of a charitable institution in Cremona, and Farinacci himself was accused of having pocketed money for his paper “Il regime fascista”. (The Fascist Rule.) The methods were revealed by which he extorted subscriptions and assignments of money from the agrarians of Cremona according to the amount of their possessions. Although Farinacci’s opponents work on the same lines, all this was dragged into the light of day in order to injure Farinacci. The money affairs of a certain Max Bondi and a certain Cupini are connected with this matter; the financial collapse of the latter was a breakdown in grand style, in which Deputy Balbo, one of Farinacci’s intimate friends, played a disgraceful part.

At the same time another struggle developed between the leaders of the Fascist Corporations (trade unions) and the leaders of the Association for Industry and Agriculture. The new trade union law and still more its regulations, make the unions absolutely dependent on the political authorities and rob them of all autonomy and all freedom of action, whilst in reality, the associations of employers retain the greatest freedom of action. The leaders of the Corporations tried to offer resistance either to satisfy the masses to some extent or to pacify their discontent or to do justice to their natural desire to defend their own power. Consequently there were some lively discussions in the bosom of the Great Council; Deputy Rossoni, General Secretary of the Corporations, talked in threatening language, whilst in private conversation he did not even hesitate to make some very cutting remarks about the Duce and some of his chief collaborators. Another leader of the Fascist Unions even dared to speak of a general strike! It is a matter of course that the landowners and the industrialists met with success all along the line.

The last great point of dissension was the question as to whether the (proletarian) tenant farmers should belong to the association of the landowners or of the agricultural workers. In reality, a political problem is in this case concealed under the mantle of a legal problem, because, as a matter of fact, the agrarians wish to prevent any alliance between the tenant farmers and the agricultural workers by forcing the former into the organisations in which they themselves are of course masters. Article 5 of the trade union regulations had already decided the question according to the will of the landowners. The Fascist trade unionists succeeded in bringing the matter up again for discussion. It is however very doubtful whether they will attain their end.

The struggles to which we have referred are in reality extremely important, because they are symptoms of rapidly increasing discontent among the masses of the petty bourgeoisie with the oligarchic and plutocratic rulers who are now completely and openly in control of the Government and of Fascism. They are symptoms of deep clefts between the centre and the periphery.

The central power is today in the hands of the financiers and is represented in politics by an oligarchy consisting of former Nationalists who have gone over to Fascism and have become its spiritual masters and leaders. The Government is under the domination of the Triumvirate Federzoni, Rocco and Volpi. The two first were originally Nationalists, protagonists of an absolute regime, the legitimate power of which is not traced back to divine right but to the right of the stronger. The third is the representative of the Banca Commerciale, the confidant of Italian and foreign high finance. His assistant, who takes a rather less important place, is Belluzzo, the Minister for National Economy, an engineer, who is exclusively in the ser vice of the capitalists. Mussolini appears everywhere as the headpiece and the sign-board. He is in reality nothing more nor less than a prisoner…a voluntary one of course.

The politics in this affair are of necessity politics of great oppression and of ever increasing exploitation of the masses. The economic position is getting worse in spite of all Fascist “reconstruction”. The trade balance shows an alarmingly increasing deficit, the lira continues to fall. In the last two months, it has fallen far more than ten points and, as com pared with the pre-war lira, it is not worth more than 18 paper or 14 gold centesimi. In order to relieve this condition and keep exports going, there is nothing to be done but to reduce the cost of production by cutting down wages, and that at a moment when the Italian people is already almost faced by starvation.

Of course these matters do not only affect the masses of workers and peasants; directly or indirectly, the small property owners, the merchants, indeed innumerable members of the petty bourgeoisie are hit by the reduction of incomes, the increase of the prices of food, the increased burden of taxation etc. They are beginning to recognise that the enthusiasm, with which they greeted the Fascist cause, was devoted to a lost cause. The Government however continues its policy with all the means in its power. The suppression of the elected Municipal Councils and the replacement of them by administrators nominated by Rome, the suppression of the Chambers of Commerce, the restriction of the held of activity for lawyers, the prevention of the activities of all non-Fascist associations, all this cannot but subject the petty bourgeoisie to pressure. The discontent of these circles is expressed both in the movement centering round Farinacci and in the movement of the Fascist professional unions.

International Press Correspondence, widely known as”Inprecorr” was published by the Executive Committee of the Communist International (ECCI) regularly in German and English, occasionally in many other languages, beginning in 1921 and lasting in English until 1938. Inprecorr’s role was to supply translated articles to the English-speaking press of the International from the Comintern’s different sections, as well as news and statements from the ECCI. Many ‘Daily Worker’ and ‘Communist’ articles originated in Inprecorr, and it also published articles by American comrades for use in other countries. It was published at least weekly, and often thrice weekly.

PDF of full issue: https://www.marxists.org/history/international/comintern/inprecor/1926/v06n56-aug-12-1926-Inprecor.pdf