Aside from being essential primary history of the split in the Socialist Party that would found the Communist movement, these weekly updates by Reed on the Right Wing’s desperate bureaucratic attempts to stem the rising Left Wing tide are a treat to read, well written and very funny. In 1919, not counting the Language Federation with their tens of thousands members, the Socialist Party numbered around 80,000 on paper, with dozens of paid staff, elected officials, club houses, and allied newspapers. The party had reversed its decline of the previous few years, spurred by mass anti-war sentiment, union struggles, and an emerging vocal, Marxist revolutionary Left. But most importantly–the beginning of Europe’s unprecedented revolutionary wave. With the New York State (along with Pennsylvania) party apparatus being the Right’s stronghold, it was they who led the Pink Terror as they ‘reorganized’ New York City branches (based on Assembly Districts–A.D.) to rid themselves of the Left. Details of the war below.
‘The Pink Terror’ by John Reed from The New York Communist. April-June, 1919.
We’re Gonna be Expelled! Help!!
In Albany on last Sunday the State Committee unleashed the Pink Terror. that momentous date, which deserves to rank in history with St. Bartholomew’s Eve, the State Committee followed the example of the German Majority Social Democrats in 1916, when they expelled Liebknecht and the Spartacides; they attempted to expel the Left Wing!
The resolution was carried by a vote of 24 to 17, with three delegates absent and Trachtenberg, as usual, not voting until he sees which way the cat is going to jump. What do you think of that, Comrades? You’ll have a chance to say what you think about it, because it will be submitted to referendum, thanks to Comrade Lindgren. Meanwhile, beware of the Pink Terror. Never go out at night without a copy of the Communist Manifesto in your pocket. If you talk in your sleep, be sure to look under the bed before you retire–one of Gerber’s spies may be concealed there with a pad and pencil to take down your somnambulistic mutterings. Do not trust the books in the Rand School Library phrases have torn from their context!
It was an historic occasion. Several of the Rights took advantage of the opportunity to declare their solidarity with the Ebert-Scheidemann gang in Germany–although later, in order to offset the effect of the Pink Terror, the meeting passed a resolution bitterly condemning the “murder of Liebknecht and Luxembourg by the reactionary forces…supported by reactionary Socialists.
Comrade Waldman, as chairman of the Resolutions Committee, introduced the Liebknecht-Luxembourg resolution, but spoke against it as being too “vague”–not endorsing any one political party in Germany. He himself, he said, was heartily in favor of the Spartacides, and would endorse a motion to that effect. It developed, however, that Comrade Waldman had made the same objections to the resolution in committee; and Biedenkapp, the author, had requested Waldman to draw up a resolution definitely supporting the Spartacides–which Waldman refused to do.
Comrade Marie MacDonald said she didn’t believe the charges made against Comrades Ebert and Scheidemann, and announced her conviction that “our Comrades are a real Socialist Government, and not responsible for the deaths of Liebknecht and Luxembourg.”
Comrade Theresa Malkiel, in the course of a fearful attack upon the Left Wing, hinted darkly that “provocators are anxious to disrupt the Party in this country…
“If it weren’t for these provocateurs,” she said, “in Germany, the Spartacan movement wouldn’t have been formed, and our dear Comrades Liebknecht and Luxembourg wouldn’t have been killed.”
Proceedings were opened by the election of the new State Executive Committee, so that the gang might see just how much anti-Bolshevik sentiment it could count on. Only twelve votes were cast against the machine, so the Rights evidently thought they could go ahead.
It was in the late morning that Comrade Berenberg, with a pale, desperate face, read the fatal resolution. Poor Berenberg! We know what he was suffering; he was remembering how he gave us his office in the Rand School in which to draw up the Left Wing Manifesto, and locked the door so his boss wouldn’t catch us.
The debate lasted from morning until four-thirty in the afternoon.
Comrade Waldman, who was so hot for the Spartacides especially the dead ones–made a speech that sounded like Solicitor Lamar telling the Senate about Bolshevism. The Left Wing, he said, had a secret organization in the Party. The Left Wing was seducing young members of the Party who didn’t know anything about Socialism. The Left Wing was “capitalizing revolutionary enthusiasm.” And finally, the Left Wing was a bunch of cowards.”
Comrade Theresa Malkiel said, among other things, “Here comes the Left Wing organization and takes the wind out of our sails. Where were these Comrades during the war? Were they out on the street corners advocating Socialism?”
But the most dramatic event of the day was the reading, by Comrade Gerber, of the minutes full and complete of the last meeting of the Left Wing City Committee, which had been stolen for him, no doubt, by one of his porch-climbers. Upon this, Comrade Esther Friedman was overcome with emotion, and declared that she was convinced that the Left Wing was a secret, low, vulgar, vile conspiracy.
Comrade Waton said that he stood for unity, but unity on the basis of the Left Wing Manifesto and Program. Comrade Boudine said that the resolution was the very thing to split the Party. The Left Wing, he said, was the natural outgrowth of conditions in the Party. He was with the Left Wing in principle, and was not opposed to the organization–although he did not personally believe in it. Comrade Biedenkapp made a spirited defense of the Left Wing.
“The Right Wingers,” he said, “condemn the organization of the Left Wing, but they do not condemn their own wrong acts or their crimes, which have resulted in the formation of the Left Wing. The Left Wing is due to the political treachery of Meyer London and others. The action of honest Comrades in getting together to remedy abuses in the Party is not to be compared to this treachery…”
But it was Comrade Lore who threw the real bombshell into the camp of the Rights.
He declared himself a member of the Left Wing–
“I didn’t before realize the necessity for a Left Wing organization,” he went on. “But now I realize the necessity, and I have joined it. Every German local and branch in the United States is with the Left Wing, and will leave the Party if the Left Wing is expelled…”
The resolution was then voted on; following which Comrade Lindgren proposed to submit it to a referendum, a motion which the gang did not dare to vote down.
When news of the passage of the resolution reached the meeting of the Left Wing City Committee Sunday evening, they unanimously passed a vote of thanks, as follows:
“The City Committee of the Left Wing expresses its gratitude to the Right Wing for assisting our efforts by showing their hand so early in the game.”
THE STATE COMMITTEE’S RESOLUTION AGAINST THE LEFT WING
Whereas, the constitution of the Socialist Party of the State of New York provides (article 1, section 3) that members and locals of the Socialist Party must adhere and conform to the national and state platforms and constitutions; and
Whereas the spirit and machinery on the Socialist Party provide adequate channels for the fullest and freest discussion of ideas through branch and Party meetings, the Party press, conventions, referendums, representative bodies and other mediums for the full exchange of opinions and sentiments; and
Whereas, in violation of the spirit of the constitution, an organization calling itself the Left Wing section of the Socialist Party has been formed, endeavoring to force the Party to take certain positions without making use of the existing channels, thereby diverting its energies and funds and paralyzing its activities, therefore be it
Resolved, that the New York State Committee of the Socialist Party is definitely opposed to the organization calling itself the Left Wing section of the Socialist Party, and to any group within the Party organized of the same or similar purpose; and be it further Resolved, that the State Committee instructs its executive committee to revoke the charter of any local that affiliates with any such organization or that permits its subdivisions members to be affiliated.
***
I. The Rape of the 17th A.D.
LAST week we told about the unleashing of the Pink Terror against the Left Wing by the State Committee at Albany. This week we have to record the actual massacre in full swing.
One dark and gloomy night the Cossacks, Bashi-Bazooks and Opritchniki of the Right Wing swooped down on the 17th A.D. Branch, slaughtered the rank and file, and carried off the Branch into captivity.
The 17th A.D. Branch is or was the largest Branch of Local New York. It contains–or contained–about four hundred members in good standing. It elected Claessens to the Assembly twice, and Calman to the Board of Aldermen once. About two months ago the “poisonous propaganda” of the Left Wing began to work among these innocent and unsuspecting Comrades. The dastardly and criminal idea occurred to them that there was something the matter with the Socialist Party–and especially with the Right Wingers who control the machine of Local New York.
Finally this feeling crystallized in an attempt to recall the delegates of the 17th A.D. Branch to the Central Committee. On this the Right Wingers persuaded the Branch to postpone action until a special meeting. They then combed the town for Right Wing members, rounded them up, and herded them to the meeting. Many of these Comrades had not attended a Branch meeting within the memory of man, and there were some present who had forgotten where the hall was. The Right Wing rejected the recall of delegates by a majority of thirteen votes.
At the following meeting of the Branch, April 10th, 1919, another resolution was introduced by the Left Wingers–to recall all Branch officials, to have extended discussion on the question of Left and Right Wing principles, and then to elect new officers, the old ones to function until the new elections. This resolution was carried 27 to 7.
Now began an exhibition of Right Wingism unexampled in the history of Local New York.
The Right Wing delegates turned up at the Central Committee, and whenever they could assist the political bosses on any question, they voted as regular delegates from the 17th A.D. At the same time, acting as no longer officials of the 17th A.D., a group of these same individuals appeared before the Executive Committee of Local New York, and asked that the Branch be “reorganized.” Comrade Codkind, a member of the Executive Committee, attempted to protest. He was beaten up and expelled from the meeting; after which, with cheers and hand-shaking, the Executive Committee ordered that the 17th A.D. Branch be “reorganized.”
On April 17th the members came to their regular Branch meeting and discovered that a bright new padlock had been placed on the door of the hall. They broke the door open, however, and held the meeting, which declared that the Branch did not recognize the right of the Executive Committee either to dissolve or to “reorganize” the Branch without the consent of the majority of its members. The Right Wingers bit their mustaches in rage and chagrin. “Foiled again!” In a secret chamber of the Rand School, fitted out with grindstones for sharpening snickersnees, the conspirators gathered one by one. The password was “Scheidemann!”
The next morning, April 18th, the members of the 17th A.D. Branch received a letter, which read as follows:
“Socialist Party, New York County
“Dear Comrade:
“17th Assembly District April 18, 1919.
“The Executive Committee of Local New York at its last meeting decided to re-organize the 17th Assembly District Branch.
“The committee was forced to take that step on account of the actions of a group of members in that branch, who at every meeting created a fight, and by their continuous squabbling have reduced the branch, one of the largest, to insignificance.
“Many the members disgusted with the actions and activities of these squabblers stayed away from the meetings, and the organization fell in the hands of a few. At the last meeting on April 10th, they recalled all the officers of the branch, leaving the branch without any functionaries to look after the affairs of the branch.
“A letter signed by a large number of members of the branch was received, wherein these members complain about the actions and treatment accorded to the members by a small group.
“The Executive Committee was forced by the course these comrades have taken to re-organize the branch, and has appointed a committee to do so. As a member of the 17th A.D. you are requested to come to a meeting to be held Friday, April 18th at 8 P.M. at the Juliette Hall, 103 West 117th Street. Bring your party card. The committee will be at this meeting to re-organize the branch and put it on a solid and working basis.
“We hope that every good Socialist and comrade who has the interest of the party at heart will be at this meeting and assist the committee to get a good working branch in the 17th Assembly District.
Yours for the Cause, Committee: EMANUEL BLUMSTEIN, ALEXANDER COPSTEIN, CHARLES GROSSMAN, HERMAN VOLK.”
The “letter signed by a large number of members,” referred to, was in fact signed by the thirty-two Right Wingers in the Branch–all the Right Wingers who were members. Now the Branch contains 400 members in good standing, and the quorum is forty-six.
The Juliette Hall, where the “reorganization” was effected, is outside the 17th A.D. On the appointed night about one hundred and fifty members of the Branch gathered, and were marched up one by one before the self-appointed “committee,” to “register.” First they were asked to turn in their red cards. Then questions were put to them, such as the following:
“Do you believe in an organization within an organization?”
“Are you a member of the Left Wing?”
Of the one hundred and fifty present only thirty were considered pure enough to register in the new Branch, together with some Right Wingers who were not present, but who were registered by their friends on the “committee.” After the meeting the Left Wingers in a body–not one having registered–adjourned to their own headquarters, took a pledge not to recognize the right of any minority to impose h their will on the majority, and declared themselves to be the only legal 17th A.D. Branch.
The next morning all who registered received the following letter:
“Socialist Party, New York County
“Dear Comrade:
“April 18, 1919.
“There will be a meeting of the members of the 17th A.D. who accept the party platform as a basis of the organization, and who are not members of any organization within the party organization, and are opposed to any such organization, for the purpose of re-organizing the branch, and to put a working Party branch in the district free from factionalism and cliques.
“This meeting will be held on Sunday, April 20th, at 2.30 P.M. at the Juliette, 103 W. 117th Street.
“All comrades who are with the Socialist Party and have the interest of the party at heart should attend.”
On Sunday evening, the 20th, the fortunate few, clutching their admission letters firmly in their hands, went to the Juliette. Some of the Left Wingers went also. There an astonishing sight met their eyes. At the door were two policemen, and in the background, with several professional thugs, hovered the Committee, pointing out the Left Wingers to the cops, and ordering them excluded.
Cried Blumstein, to the police, “They’re a bunch of anarchists! They don’t believe in the Constitution! They ought to be deported!”
Even some of the faithful, who held letters of admission in their hands, were mistaken by the cops and gunmen, and told to “Beat it!” or they’d get clubbed.
On April 21st, ninety-six members of the 17th A.D. addressed a signed letter to the Central Committee of Local New York, which read as follows:
“We, the undersigned members of the 17th A.D. Socialist Party, do hereby protest against the attempt of the Executive Committee of Local New York to dissolve our Branch against the will of the majority of the members.”
The sequel of the affair is to be found in the story of what happened at the meeting of the Central Committee on Tuesday evening, which was adjourned, with the assistance of a police captain.
All this indicates the desperation of the Right Wingers, knee-deep in the rising tide of the rank and file, which will eventually clean our Party of thugs and strong-arm politicians, and establish within the ranks of the movement, the dictatorship of the proletariat.
Now comes the horrid finale, when the mailed fist of the Right Wing appears in all its ruthlessness.
On Wednesday, April 23rd, without authorization by the Executive Committee or anybody else, Alderman Calman and Assemblyman Claessens, in a moving van, swooped down on the 17th A.D. headquarters and began to remove the furniture.
Comrade Max Cohen, who happened to be passing, protested. Whereupon Calman stepped to the telephone and called up police headquarters.
“I’m Alderman Calman,” he said, “Send a policeman up here to preserve order!”
In a few minutes a cop came up, and under his supervision the inoffensive desks and chairs of the 17th A.D. were loaded on the van and removed.
Where? Alderman Calman said, to a storage warehouse. But observers report that the van was seen heading in the direction of the secondhand furniture quarter in the Alderman’s Ward.
***
II. The Pillage Of the 18-20th A.D.
HAVING tipped the policeman who safeguarded for the looting of the 17th A. D.’s headquarters, and dusted off the moving-van with which the crime was accomplished, the Right Wingers met once more in the crypt of the Rand School. No longer were they obstructed by Democracy–the Central Committee had been indefinitely adjourned. Nothing remained which could hamper the free use of brass knuckles upon the persons of the rank and file.
A Committee was appointed to suggest ways and means for Preserving the Unity of Local New York. It was finally decided that the only way to preserve the Party intact was to expel most of the members.
The Comrade chairman of the Committee on Porch-Climbing reported that he considered it no longer necessary for his Committee to operate, since the Minutes of the Left Wing meetings were now openly published in the New York Communist. Committee on reading The Communist was then appointed.
Casting about for the next Branch to destroy, the 18th-20th A.D. was selected. This Branch lies next to the 17th A.D. whose demise we recorded last week. It has always been a particularly harmonious Branch, all meetings being conducted in the best of good feeling. However, the bacillus of the Left Wing had been infecting more and more of the Comrades, until there was a clearly a Left Wing majority in the Branch.
At the regular business meeting of the Branch on April 11th it was decided to hold new elections for delegates to the Central Committee, to take place at the next business meeting, on Friday, April 25th.
The next meeting was perfectly orderly. Both sides had mobilized all their supporters, and the hall was crowded. The Right Wingers, headed by Jacob Hillquit–who, although he lives in the Bronx, is treasurer of the Branch, which is in Harlem–declined nominations for the Central Committee.
The Branch is entitled to six delegates. Eight candidates were nominated; and the six Left Wingers were elected. Dr. Aronson, the highest, polled 68 votes, and the two lowest, 47 votes apiece. Comrade Markel, a Centrist, who said in the debate that the Left Wing “should be given a chance to show what it can do,” was nevertheless defeated.
The unanimous action of the Right Wingers showed that there was some sort of scheme on foot, so after the meeting the Propaganda Committee proceeded to copy the records of the Branch, for fear that Alderman Calman and his moving-van might swoop down and carry them off.
Alas! Their forebodings were only too well founded. The next morning somebody broke open the door, jimmied the Financial Secretary’s desk, and took away the records, which were afterward returned to the Branch by a small boy. That evening when the Yipsels came to headquarters for their regular meeting, they discovered the door fastened with a triple-bar Siegel lock costing nine dollars the nine dollars evidently being receipts from the sale of dues-stamps; and window fasteners on every window. These had been placed there by the Executive Committee.
The Yipsels broke into the hall and began their meeting. Immediately a delegation of Right Wingers appeared, headed by Ex-Assemblyman Karlin, and composed of Shilb, Extract, Shpritzer and a friend who was not a Party member. Shilb offered to fight one of the Yipsels, while Karlin threatened to have the Yipsels arrested for breaking and entering. After the Yipsels’ meeting was over, the Right Wingers again locked the hall, this time using an ordinary lock. (The item of expenditures padlocks must now be fairly large on the books of Local New York.)
On Sunday, April 27th, the Left Wing members of the Branch held a meeting in headquarters, and decided to allow the Executive Committee to remove the furniture or take any other illegal action they pleased, but not to submit to the reorganization or dissolution of the Branch without a vote of the majority of the members. The names and addresses of those against the action of the Executive Committee were taken down.
In the middle of this, Extract, Shilb and Shpritzer entered. Shpritzer said, “Take my name. I want to join the Left Wing.” He was referred to 43 West 29th Street, where we eagerly await him.
Shilb then remarked that at Monday evening’s meeting of the Executive Committee, the business of “reorganizing” the 18th-20th A.D. would be taken up; and that on Tuesday evening, April 29th, a meeting to “reorganize” the Branch would be held at Harlem Terrace Hall, on 104th Street, between 2nd and 3rd Avenues.
Afterward, however, Shilb denied that he had said this, but announced that he was going to prefer charges against the Propaganda Committee for breaking open the Financial Secretary’s desk.
By the time this paper is off the press, we expect to hear that the 18th-20th A.D. has been thoroughly “reorganized,” and that the great majority of the rank and file has joined the Party Bread-Line.
What further atrocities have the Semi-Comrades in store for us? By what machinations do they intend further to lacerate the poor, bleeding Left Wing? Time, and the next issue of The Communist, alone will tell.
One Reason for an Organization Within an Organization.
The following letter was sent by Julius Gerber, Executive Secretary of Local New York, to a few carefully-picked Right Wingers. The italics are ours. Some of the results of the Conference are now evident.
“Dear Comrade:
“New York, April 19, 1919.
“I am calling a conference of party members to meet at the office of Local New York on Monday evening, April 21st. We will meet at 9 P.M. People’s House, 7 East 15th Street.
“The situation in the party is rather critical at this time, and it is almost too late now to stem the tide.
“We ought to be clear among ourselves what we will, or can do. The so-called Left Wing is determined to either capture or split the party. What the capture of the party by the Left Wing means ought to be evident to any one who has watched their performance.
“On the other hand, is it worthwhile for the sincere Socialist to keep the fight up? While we are fighting among ourselves there is no work for the party. Our energies, our time, and the money is wasted in the fight among ourselves.
“A split in the party will at this time do irreparable injury to our party and to the Cause, while the control of the Party by these irresponsible people will make the Party an outlaw organization, and break up the organization.
“Tuesday evening, the Central Committee meets. At this meeting the die will be cast as far as Local New York is concerned. We ought to decide before hand. We ought to know what we are to do.
“The reason the Left Wing has grown and is making converts is because they have an organization that does nothing else. They have their organs that give their side. They act as a group while we have neither organization, nor press (The Call should not be used for factional purposes) and our comrades act as individuals. Result is chaos on our side, organization, discipline and success on their side.
“As the official of Local New York, I have tried to do the party’s work regardless of faction, have tried as much as possible to keep factionalism out of the party. But the time has come when I have a duty to the party, and my duty compels me to call this conference to lay the situation before the party members.
“I have for myself decided as to my course and my action, but I feel I have no right to do anything without the knowledge and consent of my comrades. My comrades, who with me have helped to build, maintain and hold together our party, and for this reason I am calling this conference, and I hope you will come. Come about 9 P.M. as the Executive Committee meets that evening and we will meet soon thereafter.
“I know this may inconvenience you. I know you are out nights and perhaps will have to be out again Tuesday at the Central Committee but believe me this matter is of importance enough so that you can miss an hour’s sleep and put up with a little inconvenience.
“Sincerely, JULIUS GERBER.”
***
Ill. Frightfulness in the 2nd and 6th A.D. Branches.
THERE was terror in the ranks of the Right Wing Buccaneers. At the regular meeting of the 2nd A.D., on the evening of Friday, April 25th, in spite of the presence of that Grand Old Man of Socialism, Meyer London, a Left Wing majority developed.
Mitchell Loeb, Nagin, Alexander Kahan, Judge Panken, S.P. Kraemer, and the Forward bunch, were in almost constant communication with Mr. Gerber over a private wire, and several times during the evening it was seriously debated as to whether or not the police ought to be called in.
Comrade Kessler, delegate to the Central Committee, rose to report concerning the last meeting of that body, when the unsuccessful attempt was made to “reorganize” the 17th A.D. The Semi-Comrades above-mentioned did not want to hear the ghastly details. Comrade Loeb insisted that it was customary first to read the typewritten report of the meeting sent out by Gerber, before the delegates reported–and Comrade Kahan backed him up.
However, fortunately the Chairman was a Left Winger, Comrade Marks, so the report proceeded. When it came to the part about the looting of the 17th A.D., the Right Wingers tried their best to stop Comrade Kessler by raising points of order. Unable to accomplish this, Loeb screamed that Kessler was reporting lies–but he had to withdraw the charge. Not satisfied with that, he stated on the floor that Comrades Max Cohen and Brahdy had summoned the police to the Central Committee a statement which once again Loeb was forced to withdraw.
After considerable ruction during which our ex-Congressman is said to have scratched and bit the Chairman because his honor was not invited to speak on Rutgers Square, the discussion of the report of the Central Committee was postponed until the next meeting.
As I said at the beginning, there was terror in the ranks of the Right Wing Buccaneers. Here was another Branch gone Left Wing–another Branch which must be reorganized and the high cost of furniture moving still on the increase.
While all this was going on in the 2nd A.D., the Right Wing was holding a parliamentary massacre in the headquarters of the 6th A.D., at 106 Avenue C. The meeting opened with the election of a dummy chairman, semi-Comrade Alexander, who during the meeting went through the motions of a regular chairman while in reality Beckerman dictated the procedure.
After Beckerman had set the stage to suit his fell designs by altering the regular order of business, he rose to report as a delegate to the Central Committee. Old timers of the Right Wing gaped in open-mouthed admiration as he jumped from misstatement to misstatement, omitting in his verbal leaps everything that would reveal the real character of the machine’s purpose at the Central Committee. He dealt at length with the “reorganization” of the 17th A.D., representing that the branch had dissolved itself, concealing the fact that dissolution of a Branch can only occur with the consent of the Executive Committee of the Local and neglecting to mention the Left Wing motion for a committee of seven (three from the Right, three from the Left and an impartial chairman agreed upon by the other six) to investigate the matter of the 17th A.D.
After he had warmed up to his subject he proceeded to slam the Left Wing in a manner that made his audience sigh with regret that the atmosphere in the Aldermanic chamber is not so conducive to eloquence as that of Avenue C. In a tremendous peroration, that so entranced the chairman that he recognized a Left Winger immediately afterward in a moment of forgetfulness, and had to be rescued by a well placed point of order from the Right, Beckerman pleaded that action be taken upon his report.
It is said that the timid suggestion from a Left Winger that the recall of Beckerman from the Central Committee would be appropriate action was met with howls of denunciation, and action was forgotten. Several other delegates rose to “report” but their work was clumsy compared with Beckerman’s and they were hastily silenced lest they give the game away.
Comrade Frost, who was given the floor because he is not affiliated with the Left Wing, made a motion that the Branch do not concur with the State Committee’s resolution to expel Left Wing locals and branches. The motion was seconded and a pause ensued during which the chairman glanced fearfully at the Right who could ill conceal their annoyance at his blunder in allowing anyone not known to be “safe” to get the floor. Nods, winks and whispered comments soon showed the chairman the way out of the difficulty, and grasping the gavel firmly in his hand he announced in a voice tense with emotion that the motion was out of order, on the ground that the report of the Central Committee was before the house.
Almost immediately afterward a Right Winger got the floor and, after consulting his written instructions, moved that the Branch concur in the State Committee’s resolution. and that all members of the branch affiliated with the Left Wing be suspended until such time as they renounce their allegiance thereto. Although the report of the Central Committee was still before the house, and although the motion was contrary to the by-laws of the Local and to the State and National Constitutions, the chairman did not declare the motion out of order, but, with eyes flashing with the light of firm resolve to do his duty, proceeded to recognize Righter Winger after Right Winger until fortunately some one called the previous question and thus averted the necessity of having the Right Wing members speak twice each to the same motion.
The motion was then put to the house and with the able assistance of the Right Wing tellers whose eyesight is reported to be variable, sometimes they see double and other times they can hardly see at all, was carried 60 to 40. The entire Left Wing membership of the 6th A.D. was thus completely wiped out of existence and the branch “made safe for democracy.”
Now comes the real tragedy of the affair from a Right Wing standpoint. In the moment of victory they have to acknowledge defeat, not only in the branch but throughout the entire Local. In order to carry out their own motion they are forced to resort to that Right Wing horror of horrors–organization within an organization.
Scarcely had the meeting adjourned when dispatch riders were seen speeding up Avenue C. in the direction of the nearest job printer, and in less time than it takes to tell the printing presses were humming at high speed turning out pledge cards, whereon the Right Wingers will inscribe their devoted adherence to the principles of Scheidemann Socialism, receiving in return the right to vote on all matters coming before the branch.
Thus organization within organization is vindicated for all time and those who have hitherto lain awake o’ nights thinking out speeches against this vicious method are now among its warmest adherents. It is rumored that the Branch has engaged Julius Gerber, at enormous expense, to lecture on how to perfect this duplication of organization, and that he will show drafts of secret letters to “faithful” members, original minutes of secret meetings, and will wind up with some useful suggestions as to pass words and subterranean passages.
Bonfires, it is said, will be lighted along Avenue C. next Friday night to celebrate this complete victory for the forces of Lawanorder and democracy over the black menace of Bolshevism which for a time reared its ugly head in the 6th A.D.
***
IV. Bloody Thursday in the 8th A.D.
ON Thursday evening, just as dusk was descending on the East Side and lights began to appear in the store windows, a number of Right Wing members of the 8th A.D., grasping white papers firmly in their right hands, were seen slinking in the shadows of the houses toward East 4th Street. When a fellow member of the Branch approached they were observed to huddle closer to the wall and hurry past with averted faces. They were on their way to the “reorganization” meeting in Casino Hall, 85 East 4th Street, at the command of the Executive Committee, and the last lingering shreds of conscience still troubled them. But black night, under whose pall men do deeds that blanch their faces in the clear light of dawn, dropped down, and smothering the faint cries of conscience, the Ring Wingers hurried on.
Early the same morning a carefully picked group of Right Wingers had received the following letter:
“Dear Comrade: A meeting of the members of the 8th Assembly District, Socialist Party, will be held Thursday, May 8th, at 8.30 P.M., at the Casino Hall, 85 East 4th Street.
“This meeting is called by the Executive Committee of Local New York for the purpose of reorganizing a branch of the Socialist Party in the 8th Assembly District.
“For the past months, it was impossible for the members of the branch to conduct meetings, and to transact the legitimate business of the Party because of a group of self-styled ‘Left-Wingers,’ who place allegiance to factional ism above that of the Party and who have organized a Party within the Party, meeting behind closed doors and deciding beforehand what is to be done at the meetings of the branch; send delegates to a Central Committee of a faction where these delegates receive instructions what they are to do and how they are to act at the meetings of the Central Committee, with every member bound to vote in the branch as the leaders dictate; and every delegate in the Central Committee must act as the steering committee directs.
“The Party organization must be free from any dictatorship, no matter in what form it manifests itself.
“This meeting on Thursday, May 8th, is to place an organization in the district free from dictators and from outside influence.
“There is no intention of curbing the ideas of the comrades. Discussion of Party matters are always desirable, but there is no room for another organization within the organization, and only such comrades who are not members of the Left Wing Section’ or who have ceased to be affiliated and left the ‘Left Wing’ will be admitted to membership.
“Bring your Party card with you, as no one will be admitted without a card. Only members of the 8th A.D. will be admitted.
“All comrades having the welfare of the Party at heart, and who are not members of the ‘Left Wing’ should attend, and help build up a loyal party branch in the 8th A.D.
“Yours for a United and Solidified Organization, EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. Local New York, Socialist Party.”
Simultaneously the organizer of the Branch, Comrade Dauber, received the following ukase: Mr. Sam Dauber,
“Organizer, 8th Assembly District,
“Local New York, Socialist Party.
“Dear Comrade: This is to inform you that the Executive Committee decided, that in view of the fact that your branch is affiliated and an integral part of the so-called ‘Left Wing Section,’ an organization within the party organization, organized for the purpose to destroy the party organization, and contrary to the decisions of Local New York, your branch is therefore suspended from the organization, and is no longer an integral part of Local New York.
“A meeting of the members of the 8th A.D. will be called by the sub-committee of the Executive Committee as soon as practicable for the purpose of reorganizing the branch.
“For the Executive Committee of Local New York.
“JULIUS GERBER, “Executive Sec’y.”
Several Left Wingers, being informed of the plot, went down to Casino Hall to investigate the matter. Once inside the building they were subjected to a close scrutiny by the retainers of the Executive Committee, led by Grossman, and those known to be Left Wingers were refused admittance to the meeting. Those who survived this first examination were ushered into the hall where they were immediately seized by the second line of defense, led by Abe Beckerman, alias Abie the Agent, of the 6th A.D., and subjected one by one, to a protracted investigation as to their political, religious and artistic beliefs.
“Are you a member of the Left Wing?” one comrade was asked.
“Do you believe in an organization within an organization?”
“Do you submit to this reorganization?”
When he refused to answer these questions he was informed that he couldn’t be a member of the Party unless he answered. He replied that he had been a member of the Socialist Party for four years, that no charges had ever been brought against him, and that he had no reason to believe that he was under compulsion to answer any questions A discussion then took place between the members of the investigating committee, some wanting to expel him from the meeting and others arguing that he be allowed to remain. Finally they decided to allow him to stay.
After some thirty or forty people had gathered in the hall, Potter, a member of the 21st A.D., took the chair and announcing that the meeting was open, called upon Beckerman to state its purpose. Beckerman announced that the Executive Committee wanted the names and addresses of those who stood for the “reorganization” scheme. He further explained that these names would be investigated and another meeting called for those who were found to be satisfactory–or in other words, sufficiently devoid of intelligence to obey without question all the commands of the Party bureaucracy.
He continued to the effect that as he was not sure that all those present were Right Wingers, no business could be transacted. At this point somebody called attention to the fact that the chairman had not been elected. Immediately Anita C. Block augmented Abie’s remarks by saying that those who gave their names in would be investigated, and if found to be O.K., would be invited to another meeting.
Comrade Schneider, who is not a member of the Left Wing, made an objection to this procedure, and moved that the meeting start reorganization right away and for that purpose that a chairman be immediately elected and the meeting proceed to business. Beckerman told the chairman that this motion was out of order and the semi-comrade from the 21st A.D. ruled accordingly. Schneider appealed from the decision of the chair but Beckerman again instructed that no appeals were in order and the chair so ruled. Schneider protested this decision and several comrades demanded that the protest be recorded, but Beckerman, with that cold logic that so often has saved the Board of Aldermen from deviating from the paths of duty, pointed out that as there were no records nothing could be recorded.
It was then decided by the Executive Committee’s mercenaries that only questions were in order. Asked whether any member of the Socialist Party, not a member of the Left Wing, would be permitted to joint the new Branch no matter what his or her beliefs, Beckerman answered in the affirmative. Whereupon he was asked how his answer squared with Anita C. Block’s statement, but this he refused to answer on the ground that he did not want to enter into a personal discussion.
He then declared the meeting adjourned. It is authoritatively stated that the net results of the meeting were about twelve names and addresses. Waldman claims 71, but his knowledge of the facts doubtless equals his knowledge of Socialism.
While this serio-comic meeting was going on, the majority of the members of the Branch were attending the regular Branch meeting in the headquarters, which was still intact owing to the fact that a guard had been formed to protect the furniture from Assemblymen and Aldermen with a penchant for pilfering. Under a special order of business, Gerber’s letter to the organizer was taken up first.
A motion was made to disregard the action of the Executive Committee and proceed to carry on the ordinary business of the Branch as heretofore, and to make an immediate appeal to the State Committee to rescind the action of the Executive Committee. After some discussion, during which the members who had been attending the “reorganization” fiasco came in, the motion was carried unanimously. Two reporters from The Socialist, the organ of the Pink Terror, Berenberg and Tuvim, were present during the meeting, and were observed taking copious notes which will doubtless appear in the next issue, if the publication is able to survive the publication of Waldman’s speech.
Thus ended Bloody Thursday. The plot for the political butchery of the 8th A.D. fizzled out, and according to the latest advices the Executive Committee was gathered in Gerber’s office weeping bitterly over the twelve pitiful names which represented what was to have been a new and obedient Branch. Our statistician computes that taking into account the deposit paid on the furniture van, which was held in readiness, the price of Casino Hall, and the hire of mercenaries, besides the tip to the cop on the beat, each name cost the comrades of Local New York over $10, to say nothing of the cost of the cellar where the plot was hatched.
***
V. The Abortive Massacre of the 3d-5th and 10th A.D.
THERE had been rumors that the Pink Dictator of Local New York was marshalling his Cohorts for a descent upon the 3d, 5th and 10th A.D. The assault was delayed, however, until there was a reasonable certainty of the absence of Jim Larkin and the Irish contingent, who, not being very well versed in parliamentary law, might wholly misunderstand the proceedings; and imagining that something illegal was going on, might impulsively vote against it in their nationalistic way.
The opportunity arrived. It was learned by Gerber’s spies that on Monday, May 12th, there would be a memorial meeting to James Connolly at Bryant Hall, which the Irish Comrades would attend.
On May 10th, therefore, a chosen few members of the 3d, 5th and 10th received the customary billet-doux from Gerber, so familiar to all the faithful.
At the appointed time on Monday evening, May 12th, a little group of Comrades, with pale but determined faces, left the headquarters of the Branch and proceeded down Broadway. Past the great Victory Arch at Fifth Avenue and 26th Street, with “Murmansk” sculptured on its side, went the brave little band, thrilling with inverted pride to think that this great monument to the invasion of Russia had been erected with money voted by Socialist aldermen.
No. 7 West 21st Street was a low, evil-looking building; upon the steps lounged half a dozen plug-uglies, who glowered upon our Comrades as they passed. The building was the headquarters of Cloak and Suit Cutters’ Union No. 10. As far as could be determined, most of the Union members seemed to be hanging around the corridors.
Upstairs in a low, evil-looking room sat Charley Grossman at a table. He looked up in surprise as the comrades entered; evidently they had arrived earlier than was expected; for having looked over the aggregation, Grossman went to the door and shouted down-stairs, “What’s the matter with you fellows? Didn’t I say not to let anybody in without a letter?”
A semi-comrade by the name of Fuchs then placed himself at the door. When asked if he were a member of the 3d, 5th and 10th, as specified in the letter, he said defiantly that he was not, but would come in if he pleased. Grossman asked the Comrades to walk up to his table and answer a few questions.
“Do you believe in an organization within an organization?” he asked.
One innocent Comrade responded firmly, “No. I think The Call should be controlled by the Party!” Grossman immediately noted on his list “Member of the Left Wing.” Upon his demand to the Comrades to give up their cards, only one Comrade complied and she demanded it back shortly afterward. At the end of the evening Grossman’s list contained about thirty names, with the monotonous comment after all but two, “Refuses to give up card. Refuses to answer questions. L.W.”
Comrade Brahdy kept advising the Comrades in a loud voice to pay no attention to Grossman. This finally irritated Grossman to such a degree that after ordering Brahdy to leave the room, he finally summoned Fuchs, and said loudly, “Run downstairs to the Cloak Cutters and bring somebody up here to clear this room of people we don’t want here!”
In a few moments a procession of sinister-looking individuals with cauliflower ears filed in. Questioned as to whether they were members of the 3d, 5th and 10th, they evasively said that they belonged to the Party. Shortly afterward Beckerman and Potter appeared, followed by the strong-arm squad from the 6th A.D. Branch. Asked when the meeting would begin, Beckerman stated that it would begin when the Executive Committee delegates decided to begin it.
The meeting having been called for 8.15 P.M., and there being evidently no intention on the part of the Oligarchy to open the proceedings, at 8.30 Comrade Brophy, organizer of the Branch, rapped for order and proposed that, since the Executive Committee refused to call the meeting, the Branch declare itself in session.
Comrade Brahdy was elected chairman, and Comrade Coles secretary. Comrade Reed then proposed as the order of business that the delegates of the Executive Committee present be asked to state their reasons for summoning this meeting.
Beckerman replied that until the registration was completed, the delegates of the Executive Committee refused to make any statement. Comrade Reed then proposed that, provided the registration take place in the room, the meeting be suspended until it was completed. Whereupon Beckerman announced that he had changed his mind, and that the registration would be carried on in another room, and the meeting would be called when he felt like it.
Comrade Brahdy was elected chairman, and Com-formally [sic] demand from the Executive Committee delegates their purpose in calling the meeting, and if they refused to state it, that the meeting adjourn until the regular Branch meeting on Wednesday, May 14th. This motion was voted on by roll-call, twenty-seven being in favor and three against.
In the name of the Branch, therefore, Comrade Brahdy formally demanded from Beckerman that he state the purpose of the Executive Committee in calling the meeting. Beckerman flatly refused. The Chair then announced that since there was no business before the meeting, it should stand adjourned. Whereupon the Comrades left the hall.
The mercenaries of the Executive Committee, having failed in their “reorganization” scheme, determined that a more careful choice of Comrades must be made for the next meeting. Accordingly letters were again sent out, and this time two and a half Comrades gathered in the safe precincts of the Rand School on Friday evening, May 16th.
To date the proceedings have not been divulged. But we understand that the 3d, 5th and 10th A.D. Branch has been bloodlessly “reorganized.”
Moral: The only peaceful way to “reorganize” a Branch is not to tell the members.
***
VI. Unrestricted Submarine Warfare in the 1st A.D.
“And lo it came to pass that the bellies of the transgressors were pinched with hunger.”
THE Plunderbund of Local New York Executive Committee stared at one another in consternation. What had they done? True, they had accomplished their ambition, the Socialist Party in Local New York was purged–nine-tenths of the members had been expelled or suspended, and almost every Branch had been reorganized out of existence.
But, they suddenly discovered, they had killed the goose that laid the golden eggs! No more members no more dues stamps! No more dues stamps–no more soft jobs! No more Branches–no more well-paid lectures for the Inner Circle! No more membership and the Party “leaders” would have to make a living out of the Labor Party! Of course the Semi-Comrades didn’t mind that; but after all, the Labor Party was a bird in the bush, and there would be competition for the jobs…
A gloomy silence fell, broken only by an occasional clicking sound as some Semi-Comrade tightening his belt another hole.
The Chief High Proletarian turned the pages of his Branch Directory. “They’ve all been reorganized,” he muttered, dolefully. “Or at least we’ve sent out letters inviting them to a reorganization meeting.”
“But how about the Party property?” asked Meyer London’s lieutenant, with a spark of hope. “The Left Wingers kept most of it,” responded the Chief High Proletarian. Silence again fell. The Professor of Household Economy at the Rand School cleared his throat.
“Er–didn’t we that is to say, some of us–remove the furniture from the 17th A.D.?” he asked hesitantly. The er—proceeds–“
The Congressman’s lieutenant answered harshly, “We deposited the cash in the same bank with Meyer London’s Campaign Fund.” He flicked a dust-mote from his new trousers. “Well,” said the Professor of Household Econnomy, “we’ve got to raise funds from somewhere.” There was a general growl of assent. “Aren’t there any Branches with good furniture not yet re-organized?” asked someone.
The Chief High Proletarian turned the pages of his book. “There is the 1st A.D.,” he said. “But I’ve already sent letters out calling for a 29th. We can’t take action until we see how the re-organization meeting tomorrow, Thursday, May Branch behaves. I have hopes that most of the members will be with us…
“O pooh!” responded the Congressman’s henchman. “Don’t get sentimental. The rank and file is all Left Wing, and must be expelled, if we’re going to have a decent Party. Don’t worry about them.”
Now up spake Alderman Calman, who, as the Pioneer Furniture-Snatcher of the Socialist Party, was listened to with great respect upon this subject. “The police force is very busy gathering evidence against the Left Wingers for the District Attorney,” he said. “And I would prefer that we do not disturb them.”
“It is not necessary,” remarked the Professor of Household Economy. “The same results can be obtained if we give interviews to the reporters of the capitalist press. Perhaps you are afraid?”
The eyes of the revolutionary Alderman flashed. “By my Victory Arch,” he cried. “By the War Saving Stamps and two Victory Loans I swear that I am afraid of nothing that is, almost nothing. But I think that someone else should do the job this time…I’ll give you the telephone number of a Tammany truck-driver who used to drive Scheidemann’s carriage when he visited New York…”
“What’s the market-price on second-hand furniture down in your ward, Alderman?” asked the Chief High Proletarian. The Socialist legislator did some rapid figuring. “I estimate that the 1st A.D. furniture ought to bring in enough for crullers and coffee all around in the Cafeteria downstairs,” he replied.
The next morning a little group of Semi-Comrades, led by Mitchell Loeb, filed down through the East Side. Great self-control was needed to prevent the sturdy little band from disrupting as they passed each bakery, but conscious of their revolutionary mission, they achieved it.
About 8 A.M. the conspirators gathered in the Forward office to plan out their campaign. There were present Mitchell Loeb, leader of the raid; Leventhal, Miller and Needleman–the only three Right Wingers in the 1st A.D.–and two utter strangers, who came along because they knew how to use brass knuckles. An Alderman being necessary, Charney Vladek was called in for advice.
About 8 A.M. they approached number 180 Henry Street, and making deaf-and-dumb signals to Scheidemann’s former coachman, who was present with a moving van, they stole up the steps of the 1st A.D. headquarters.
At a concerted signal they burst in at the side door. The House Chairman, Comrade Furman, who happened to be in the hall, manifested a mild objection to the proceedings. Mitchell Loeb seized him by the throat, and said that if he made any objection, he would be black-jacked. Loeb still further intimidated the House Chairman by threatening to “call the cops and have him locked up.” Then they began to carry off the furniture.
They took everything, including the piano, cut down the chandeliers and broke the electric wires, and then broke up or tore in pieces all objects which they did not think worthwhile taking.
The furniture belonging the Y.P.S.L. circle they left–because, after all, Semi-Comrade Spector is trying to soft-soap the Yipsels, and it wouldn’t do to offend them at this stage of the game.
They also left two other objects–one a picture of Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, and the other a placard inscribed, “Free All Political Prisoners!” When asked why they had overlooked these things, one of the bandits replied, “Aw, we only took Socialist property…”
That evening at six a convivial party of “prominent Socialist leaders” was seen making merry at a table in the Rand School Cafeteria. The board groaned with piles of shredded wheat, and foaming flagons of Postum…
But at the re-organization meeting of the 1st A.D. only three members showed up, looking extremely nervous; one of these had never attended a meeting of his Branch since Morris Hillquit was a small boy. And meanwhile, in their empty headquarters, one hundred and fifty members of the 1st A.D., who refused to be re-organized, met in regular session.
***
VII. Secret Diplomacy in the 4th A.D.
AFTER having “re-organized” the local to such an extent that the sale of dues stamps was barely sufficient to provide cigars for Executive Committee meetings, the semi-comrades who foregather at the People’s House decided at a secret meeting, held in the furnace room of that building, that the time for “re-organizations” has gone, at least as far as Local New York was concerned.
One of the leading Pink Terrorists from Kings, clutching a bomb in the shape of a sheaf of “re-organization” letters, reported that the work was not meeting with much success in Brooklyn. Branches steadfastly refusing to be “re-organized,” expelled or suspended and even jeering at the divine right of the State Committee in the persons of the “commit tee of three.” Reports from the seat of The Terror in the Bronx, which is sometimes called The Chamber of Horrors, also frowned on “re-organization” as an outworn tactic.
“But” said the High Chief Proletarian “something must be done.” This weighty contribution to the discussion was received with much nodding of heads. Seeing which the speaker lost his temper and cried angrily “Nodding your heads will accomplish nothing. The Left Wing is sweeping the State and unless we can cope with the situation, we will all have to go to work in future.” Such a dread possibility startled the semi-comrades into activity. Suggestion after suggestion was made and rejected until an ex-Assemblyman, who on account of his political experience was listened to with great attention, suggested that all semblance of hostility be dropped towards the insurgents vet unre-organized, while the “loyal” members are approached secretly and when sufficient strength is mustered in any one branch, that branch carry out “re-organization” on its own initiative.
Semi-comrade Karlin immediately volunteered to try this plan in his Branch, the 4th A.D. It appears that Karlin has been very active in this Branch since the beginning of the year, having got himself elected to the Central Committee when it was found that the machine was on the toboggan. Plans were immediately laid and Karlin, after much hand-shaking hurried from the meeting. His first act was to send a letter to the financial secreretary of the Branch asking him to call at his, Karlin’s law office. This the financial secretary refused to do, suspecting that Karlin was going to try and convince him that political democracy was alright, by showing that under proletarian dictatorship lawyers would starve to death.
Nothing daunted by his first failure Karlin induced a young comrade, who incidentally was eleven months in arrears with his dues, to send out postal-cards calling for a secret caucus at Karlin’s office on May 23. Conscience stricken at his act this youngster remained away from the meeting, but several semi-comrades attended. One such was Eva Glutt, who had been so broken-hearted by the defeat of both Karlin and London at the last elections that she had remained away from the Branch meetings since last November.
In the musty law office it was decided to expel two of the “most anarchistic” members of the Branch, one of whom was the organizer, and to “re-organize” the Branch at the coming Friday meeting. Lacking the pretext that the Branch had joined the Left Wing, another “illegality” was concocted: favoring the City Committee’s call for a City Convening the City Committee’s call for a City Convention.
Getting wind of what was happening the Branch officials sent out a call for attendance at the Branch meeting on the ground that ” a few unscrupulous members are trying to disrupt the Branch.” The Call also carried a notice to this effect, apparently mistaking it for semi-comrade Gerber’s usual sophistry. The members of the secret caucus, how ever, were very much alarmed, nearly coming to blows, it is said, over who caused the “leak.” At a hurried gathering before the meeting they decided to call off the “re-organization” and to hear with the “most anarchistic” members for a while longer.
When the meeting opened and the letter from the City Committee was read Karlin leaped to his feet and in his best legal manner warned the Branch members that acceptance of the City Committee’s call was illegal, as the State Committee might at any moment declare the proposed convention illegal. Finding that the branch was disposed to disregard the warning, the members of the secret caucus decided to “instruct” the delegates. So much for the illegality of the City Committee!
As the hour grew late. Karlin and the members of the secret caucus became openly elated: the secret was still theirs. But alas, under new business the financial secretary unfolded the details of the plot, and moved a resolution condemning Karlin’s actions.
Caught pink-handed, the plotters admitted the charge but tried to make it appear that the whole affair was merely a joke. Semi-comrade Glutt them arose to the defense. She said that she had received a letter signed “comrade” calling her to Karlin’s office, and, thinking that ill had befallen their leader, hastened round to the financial secretary to ask his advice. He told her to go. She went and found a few comrades. They had an enjoyable time and discussed matters in general. Naturally she had enquired about the Branch and asked whether matters were “alright.” She was told that the Branch was “all Left” and on hearing this distressing news was going to resign but Karlin advised her to wait as the Branch would eventually be “re-organized.” But there was no caucus, and no plot to “re-organize” the Branch!
This naive recital threw the Branch members into roars of laughter. Karlin then arose and said the whole affair was a joke, but if the Branch was not disposed to regard it so, then let them go ahead and condemn his twenty long years of service: “Shoot if you will this old grey head.
A motion was made, at the conclusion of his harangue, to withdraw all officers of the Branch who were involved in the secret caucus. This meant Karlin’s removal as a delegate to the Central Committee. He rushed up to the maker of the motion, demanding to know “What crime have I committed?” So threatening was his attitude that the comrades rushed up to prevent him from breaking his well-known principles, which are opposed to violence. After about 15 minutes chaos, order was restored. In spite of the filibuster kept up by Karlin and other conspirators, the motion was finally carried. At a subsequent meeting Untrecht was elected delegate to the Central Committee, but when he attempted to attend the special Central Committee on June 11, he refused admittance.
On Friday Karlin’s heroic but futile attempt to capture the Branch for the Right Wing was rewarded by nominating him for the bench from the 6th A.D. without the knowledge of the 4th A.D. It is hoped that if sufficient Right Wing lawyers can be elected to judgeships in the fall, they will be able to “soak” the prominent Left Wingers for sufficient “stretches” to enable the Party to be made safe for the Pink, and, in exceptional cases, the light Red semi-comrades.
The New York Communist began in April, 1919 as John Reed’s pioneering Communist paper published weekly by the city’s Left Wing Sections of the Socialist Party as different tendencies fought for position in the attempt to create a new, unified Communist Party. The paper began in a split in the Louis Fraina published Revolutionary Age. Edited by John Reed, with Eadmomn MacAlpine, Bertram Wolfe, Maximilian Cohen, until Reed resigned and left for Russia when Ben Gitlow took over. In June, 1921 it merged with Louis Fraina’s The Revolutionary Age after the expulsion of the Left Wing from the Socialist Party to form The Communist (one of many papers of the time with that name).
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