Organizing at the workplace is central to all Socialist projects. Not only in activating and politicizing our class, but also in practice for the future exercise of power and reorganization of society we aim for. For years I was a union steward as a UFCW meat cutter and learned more about politics and organizing at work than all the activist meetings, Marxist studies, and school classes I attended combined. For Communists, that led them to base their whole organizational apparatus first on where the working class labored and lived, at work and at home; the shop and street nuclei. The approach was not unique to the Bolsheviks of course, and had long been practiced and theorized by syndicalists and revolutionary Socialist activists. Arne Swabeck, like many, brought his I.W.W. experience with him into the Communist movement, and felt right at home with the move away from the old Socialist Party’s electoral basis. As a leading District Organizer for the C.P., Swabeck would have been tasked with overseeing the change to shop nuclei and offers this excellent series on the possibilities and problems of workplace organizing.

‘Opportunities for Shop Nuclei Work’ by Arne Swabeck from The Daily Worker. Vol. 3 Nos. 7-10 & 12. January 20-24 & 26, 1926.

WITH the present rapid reorganization of the Workers (Communist) Party to the shop nuclei basis throughout the main industrial centers, the question of the functioning of these units becomes one demanding immediate attention. A practical question and yet quite a problem indeed.

Leaving the street nuclei units aside for the present the problem could perhaps be formulated as follows:

1. How can shop nuclei become the baste political party units capable of mobilizing the working masses for demonstrations, election campaigns and for greater and more decisive political struggles?

2. How can shop nuclei become expressive of the everyday needs of the workers in the shops, become a living part of their fight for better conditions, win their confidence and furnish organized, conscious leadership to attain our definite objects?

3. How can the party based on the shop nuclei form of organization more effectively penetrate deeper into the organized masses within the unions and win them for the revolutionary struggle against capitalism?

These are some very important parts of Bolshevization made many times more difficult due to the numerically small size of our party. In many trade unions the party has not yet succeeded in approaching a real penetration or raised the issues which will win the workers. Millions of unorganized workers subjected to the increasing pressure of capitalist exploitation have not yet recognized the need of uniting against this pressure, not to speak of rallying to the standard of the Communist Party.

Leadership Must Start From Practical Basis.

The undeveloped condition of the huge American industrial army makes particularly imperative that the party should first of all become a much more active participant in solving the problems of the everyday life of the workers and fight for their simple economic needs as they appear within their place of work. A few suggestions how to make a beginning in this sphere may not be amiss.

1. The Speed-up System and Long Hours of Work.

This obtains in most industrial enterprises whether workers are employed at individual tasks at the machine or in gangs. Production is so standardized that workers are compelled to make the same motions day by day: the standard of individual production being ever increased, cunning devices applied, clockworks installed to increase the speed of the motions and in addition foremen driving the workers to the point of exhaustion. Where a shift system exists, sometimes even double shifts, no extra pay for night work. In steel mills usually no time is allotted for lunch, the workers being compelled to swallow a sandwich during spells. Such conditions are naturally injurious to the health of the workers.

Yet when work is slack the speed does not diminish and seldom are the hours reduced but the workers are put on part time employment while the industrial reserve army waits at the gates for a job. The profits of the employers are thus kept intact while only the workers suffer. Still very often workers are compelled to pay cash to some foreman or agent to get such miserable jobs. In many of Pennsylvania’s steel mills a particular type of grafter is “in with” the plant officials supplying workers, “greenhorns” or “foreigners,” who cannot use English very well, at so much per head, paid by the workers.

Here is a field for shop nuclei members by individual propaganda, factory papers, etc., to show the workers what is wrong, point out the needs of reducing hours which also helps to give Jobs to unemployed, get rid of slave driving bosses, show how to organize to attain it and extend the solidarity of the workers by properly approaching the whole problem of the unemployed. In this manner the political side of the problem is brought forward.

2. Health and Safety Conditions.

In this respect improvements are needed in every industry, improvements which can only be secured through the workers fighting for it. From the very simplest needs of ventilation in factories to safety devices on dangerous machinery the nuclei members must lead the fight for improvements. In many factories poisonous material is not guarded against. In coal mines many lives are lost for lack of measures against explosions. In steel mills and many metal manufacturing plants heat exposures are dangerous and intolerable during the long working hours, the hammering and deafening screeches when white hot steel hits the rolls or the cold saw bites into steel plates, become a strain on the workers. In one mill, visited by the writer, a nail making department, called the “nuthouse,” endless rows of machines hammered with lightning speed, each chopping off 300 nails per minute.

Accidents are daily occurrences in large plants due to lack of safety devices on heavy dangerous machinery. Compensations are sometimes nil, always insufficient and as a rule difficult to obtain due to a network of red tape and graft of petty politicians. A fight led by nuclei members to show this up in its true light and help the victims actually to obtain compensations will not only expose the capitalist industrial and political system in all its corruption, but also gain the confidence of the workers and assist to organize the political struggle for improvements.

The substitute for real safety devices, resorted to by big industrial corporations in giving safety lectures is primarily another means to increase workers’ efficiency and thus increase exploitation on the job.

It need hardly be mentioned that the practice of child labor and excessive youth exploitation, wherever it exists, becomes the basis to broaden the activities on the political field in the fight for its complete abolition. There is no better place to start than in the shop.

***

3. Violations of Working Agreements.

THIS is mainly a problem of organized enterprises. Bosses as a rule make no agreements with unorganized workers. Moreover, union business representatives are often apt to overlook violations, for reasons well known to them. The leadership of nuclei members in fighting against violations must have a double purpose both to fight against such conditions and to eliminate the lax bureaucrats. Nuclei members should not only study and understand the agreements and be able to interpret them from the point of view of the workers but understand the nature of violations which in most cases mean wage reductions in reality, even though not ostensibly. In clothing factories workers must often carry too heavy bundles or do certain turns not specified in agreements which increase the standard of production, coal miners are often compelled to load heavier cars than specified in agreements or workers in other places carry or prepare their own material not specified in agreements thus reducing piece work rates.

Discrimination against workers in shops is always practiced to more or less degree, particularly against those who do a little thinking of their own. Today the one, and tomorrow the other, and if not resulting in actual lay-offs, then, in assignments to lesser paid or more disagreeable work. A well led fight against this practice will result in increasing the solidarity of the workers in the shop. And the whole system of class collaboration, bosses and union, co-operative schemes, adjustment boards, arbitration, or permanent labor boards are nothing but schemes to discriminate against the workers in favor of the bosses. Only the latter win by these methods; and usually also the corrupt union officials. These schemes are designed to prevent the fight which generally is necessary to gain the demands of the workers and their ultimate object is to weaken and destroy labors’ organizations.

A well-conducted fight against such schemes broadens the basis of shop activities and often makes possible the establishment of connections from shop to shop in the same industry. Furthermore, arbitration or adjustment boards are very frequently created by interference of governmental authorities and a fight for the elimination of this system helps not only to expose the nature of the capitalist government but also to organize the workers politically.

4. The Fight Against Wage Cuts.

Although wage cuts are not daily occurrences in the shops they surely offer some of the best opportunities to arouse the class feeling and class solidarity of the workers. Sometimes cuts are made outright by posting notices in shops reducing the hourly rate, other times in the form of reduction of piece work rates or so-called readjustments. Members of shop nuclei should make a particular point of studying the nature of the cuts and the method of putting them over so they may be able properly to explain to the workers on that basis the class nature of the present system of production.

Shop nuclei members should gather the necessary statistics to explain the difference in rates brought about both by open and veiled wage cuts, make a comparison with the amount necessary for an ordinary standard of living and also, if at all possible, the amount paid to the workers, the amount required for raw material overhead expenses, etc., and the profit, pocketed by the owners of the industries. This not only gives the nuclei members a better understanding of the methods of capitalist exploitation, but it also enables them to explain this system of exploitation to the workers proceeding from a concrete basis.

Workers become readily responsive to resist wage cuts. The big problem, however, is to organize this resistance for the greatest possibility of success. Naturally, this problem differs widely in organized and in unorganized shops. In case of the former the measures must be proposed through the unions while in case of the latter the ability of the Communists will be put to a real test. Spontaneous strikes are frequent occurrences in unorganized shops but very often they fritter away and come to naught because of complete absence of organized direction and failure of maximum mobilization of the workers’ forces. Communists should rally the resistance of the workers become the organizers of such strikes, only that, but Communists also take the initiative in creating the instruments which may fully represent the interests of these workers and proceed to organize the unorganized.

These last few points will be dealt within another article.

***

THE system of industrial enslavement of the workers in the United States is reaching ever higher degrees of perfection. Experts are being maintained by the large corporations to work out new-fangled schemes to strengthen their grip on the toiling Inmates of mills and factories. Socially and politically their domination is as great, whole townships often being controlled by one or a few corporations.

An elaborate machinery using systematic, although oftentimes crude, methods and operating with the workshop as a basis has been created. It is there the first links of the chains are being forged and by way of suggesting how to approach the problem of organizing the workers for the struggle to break this control it is best for the present purpose to look a little closer at these first links and find out how the shop nuclei can become instrumental in helping break one after the other.

5. Blacklist System, Spies and Special Police.

These are some of the most crude methods of maintaining control. The blacklist has become an institution and works with brutal efficiency. Spies swarm in the shops. “Suckers” are being especially favored to help maintain divisions among the workers. Company guards and special police are being employed to help put fear into the hearts of those who become rebellious and whip the discontented ones into line. Workers applying for jobs by big corporations are required to submit their whole life history and in many cases swear to never having belonged to a union or intending to join one before their application may be considered. Physical descriptions and fingerprints are taken down on specially prepared blanks which are compared to the employment office blacklist. Workers with the slightest spot of rebellion on their record are rejected.

The Montana copper trust perfected these methods to the notorious “rustling card” system. No worker could find employment without having such a card from his former job and the issuance of cards was firmly controlled. Good union men or class conscious workers need not apply. These are precisely the means which extend into governmental administrations and become the basis of exerting political control by the big corporations. It has so far been a small matter to whip voters into line to follow the capitalist dominated parties and whenever a little extra. Intimidation was found necessary it was promptly applied. Aided by the power of their wealth the corporations put their own tools into office to let them grind out and execute laws protecting the privilege of exploitation.

When shop nuclei members starting from the practical experiences, in shop, political district or city really set out to expose the interlockings of this system of enslavement the class nature of capitalist society, becomes particularly apparent. The practical examples are so simple that few workers will fail to understand. In addition most of them have felt the effects in their everyday life and explanations thus become easier. Of course, plenty of difficulties will arise in taking up a fight against these levers of capitalist control. But Communists learn how to overcome such obstacles and the fight will, when correctly pursued, naturally extent from the shops to an active entry onto the field of political struggles. Their could be no better way of showing the workers from their own experiences that they must unite to build a labor party and act politically independent as a class.

6. Bosses’ Welfare Associations.

These institutions are the first steps toward company unions and thus towards more complete enslavement of the workers. So-called welfare associations of various kinds are organized in all up-to-date factories either for sport, social or beneficial purposes. They are always organized by the bosses with especially fitted agents put in charge. Collections of financial contributions are carried on in their name, bulletins, papers and sometimes magazines are published in their name but under editorial control of the bosses. The object is generally stated to be to promote the good feeling and cultivate a “family spirit” which in other words means to delude the workers, to make them believe that they are part owners of the plant and thus get them to submit to any conditions which may be imposed.

With the cultivation of this “family spirit” follows various “bonus” systems which enables the corporation to appear munificent and keep wages at a lower level, while stock selling plans, although possible only to better aid workers, has very much the same object. The United States Steel corporation claims that 60,000 of its employees hold corporation stocks. Such workers naturally find themselves ill more obligated to protect the interests of the owners of the concern without having the slightest voice in management or in determining wages or working conditions in the plants. These workers as a rule obtain little or no additional material gain for themselves but they can easily be turned against their less fortunate brothers in any real conflict within the industry.

Shop nuclei members must turn such hideous schemes inside out for a complete exposure. No matter how cleverly they are devised we must be able to show the workers that it is only by their united class efforts that improvements can be gained and not by false illusions of bosses’ generosity. Each battle engaged in by the workers, no matter how small, will help prove this contention.

***

WITH the series of schemes of various kinds of so-called co-operation between capital and labor being constantly devised and perfected to delude the workers, the problems of the active shop nuclei increase. But simultaneously the opportunities for effective work on a mass scale became enhanced.

One rule, which also holds good in endeavors to win the masses of workers, is that experience is the best teacher. The delusive attempts shrewdly worked out by the bosses will succeed only so long until the shred of hypocrisy! is blasted away and the inevitable struggle for class interests comes to the surface. This is a task for our live shop nuclei.

“Joint Works Committees”—Company Unions.

One step further into the series of schemes mentioned are the so-called “joint works committees” established in many large factories and which are separated only one additional step from company unions. “Joint works committees,” supposed to manage affairs in the plant, are generally composed of an equal number of delegates representing the workers and the bosses. Sometimes the bosses appoint both sets of delegates and get the ones to their liking. Sometimes the former are elected by the workers in the shops. Seldom are these committees permitted to touch any real issues of working conditions; but if so, final decision always rests with the management. While company unions are outright tools of the bosses both institutions present a double problem to shop nuclei members for negative opposition alone will not be sufficient. Both embrace workers directly or indirectly and demand corresponding tactics. In fact even there it becomes necessary to get on the inside. During elections of the workers’ delegates to so-called “joint works committees” shop nuclei members must bring forward their own or progressive candidates and bring forward a program corresponding with the needs of the workers in the shop. Of course, the program cannot be realized by that kind of works committees, but a more complete exposure becomes possible and the workers will learn that such committees cannot function in their behalf and also learn the need or creating real shop committees representing only the workers. The same may be true to a degree even of company unions. Past history has proven that when a few live wires get active inside at the opportune moment, when the workers in general begin to understand the need of real organization, can turn these company unions into instruments for organization of working class unions.

Workers’ Shop Committees.

Born directly out of revolutionary upheavals or great struggles the shop committee system has attained particular significance as a major instrument in the hands of the workers in many European countries while here the practical experiences in this field have been very limited. So far reaching was the effect of the struggles of the shop committees throughout the German industries, both against the capitalist system in general and against the corrupt traitorous union officials that the Ebert-Scheidemann government legalized shop committees by law in an effort to clip their claws.

While shop committees can by no means supplant trade unions, they will become a basis of additional strength to the workers in organized industries and will prove an important factor as a means of resistance of the workers in unorganized plants. Moreover, they may become a real instrument of union organization. Shop committees representing only the workers as against fake bosses so-called “shop or works committees” should be the slogan of shop nuclei members. Shop committees composed of delegates elected by the workers directly within each department in an industrial plant, fully empowered to represent these workers in dealing with the management, empowered to call the workers to fight whenever necessary should be the reply to any encroachments upon wages and working conditions by the bosses. Due to the character of shop committees being elected on the job, each delegate being directly responsible to the men in his department, and having daily-contact; they become ever responsive to the needs of the workers and they will increase the confidence of the workers in their own ability to resist. The existence of a shop committee in a given plant would be a factor of powerful warning to the bosses.

Shop nuclei members should take the initiative in organizing shop committees. While during the course of so-called normal prosperity the response from the workers may be very small it should nevertheless be propagandized at every opportunity. The method of their establishment and their functions should be made clear. The propaganda should be put into practice whenever the bosses make an offensive, cutting wages or directly deteriorating working conditions. Naturally such a step must be carried further to the complete organization of the unorganized.  

The absolute untrammeled labor control by the bosses in many industries as for instance steel industry makes the approach to organization of the workers a very difficult one. But recognizing that Communists must learn to overcome all such obstacles the establishment of shop committees should provide an opening wedge and a beginning of a solution of the problem. Organization of the unorganized, the means and methods whereby to organize, should be the practical summing up of shop nuclei activities and propaganda in connection with the points mentioned above. Organization of the unorganized is a constant problem facing all Communist Parties.

***

QUICK and decisive action by a nucleus membership is necessary when solutions of real problems are demanded. The class struggle is warfare, well planned and well organized from the employers’ side. They never hesitate to use the most drastic measures. The workers must be taught to move in the same tempo and to be as well prepared.

It should not be necessary to emphasize that whenever the workers of a shop, in which a party nucleus exists, receive notice of wage cuts or some similar infringement upon working conditions, that whenever something of importance occurs, the shop nucleus should meet as quickly as possible and decide its plan of action. The members should always be well-acquainted with the sentiment of the workers. They should know whether or not a strike is possible. Or if some other means of demonstration or resistance is required they should know to what degree the workers are ready to respond,

In all such actions the shop nucleus must obtain the leadership.–“Impossible,” our members may say, “we have no experience–we do not speak English well.” Many other objections or excuses may be brought forward. But to show what actually can be accomplished in such situations it would perhaps be well to cite the experience of the party membership functioning in a large industrial plant. Incidentally this citation may may also serve as a good example of practical tactics to pursue to gain leadership of strikes of workers in unorganized plants. In this instance, as we shall see, the party membership assumed complete leadership.

First Steps in a Strike.

It was in the Pressed Steel Car company’s plant at McKees Rocks, Pa. Ordinarily the plant employs between six and seven thousand workers, it would be no exaggeration to say that for a Communist nucleus it is as difficult a place to work within as any. It has witnessed severe battles during its history. In 1909 during a great strike in the plant some 14 men were killed, most of them workers, but also some Pennsylvania cossacks, who had to bite the dust as a reward for their atrocities.

During the latter part of April of last year notices were posted in the plant that the regular nine-hour day would henceforth be increased to nine and a half. The workers struck. About two-thirds walked out immediately and more followed. The first day of the walkout two party members came to the district office, told their story and asked for speakers for the gathering which they assumed would take place the following morning.

The two party organizers went out that morning and found several thousand strikers gathered. Short talks were made and a few organizational steps suggested. Actual results could not be obtained immediately as unorganized workers in plants where many nationalities are employed naturally move with difficulty.

On the third day definite organizational steps were proposed–a strike committee composed of one delegate from each of the 17 departments of the plant. The strikers, however, were not yet trained to function for such activities and it became largely a matter of accepting volunteers for the committee. After the meeting the committee got together to formulate its plans and decide to make the following demands:

1. No further wage cuts.

2. The nine-hour day (instead of the 9% demanded by the company).

3. No discrimination against any striker.

4. Maintenance of the committee as a shop committee.

A serious mistake occurred in selection of chairman and spokesman of the committee, which, however, was accounted for by the lack of experience of the workers and the members of the committee not being well acquainted with one another. He was a company tool and when the committee appeared at the office the management refused to see anyone but him.

On the following day, Saturday, May 1, none of the party organizers could be present and the chairman of the committee advised the workers to go back on the old conditions threatening that otherwise the plant would be closed down completely for a long time to come. This created great confusion, some decided to go back others not to. The situation became serious. Quick action was necessary. Sunday morning the twenty-two party members, who then were divided. into three language branches, Russian Ukrainian and South Slavic, were called to a meeting and the following plan of action put into effect. Each language group was instructed to visit all active strikers and urge them to come to the Monday morning strike meeting organized in groups to first of all chase the strike committee chairman off the platform and secondly to work up favorable sentiment for measures to be proposed by the party speaker who would follow the platform.

Party Leads Strike.

Everything went according to plans. On Monday morning about 5,000 strikers attended the meeting. The chairman stepped on the platform, but did no sooner open his mouth to speak than he was told in no uncertain terms to get off and stay off. This demand came from groups scattered in the crowd. It increased in volume. He grew pale stepped down and admitted he was through. The party speaker got on the platform was greeted by applause, started by organized groups growing stronger and stronger. A splendid sentiment was created. The speaker proceeded to tell of the necessity to organize a new strike committee by each department actually electing its own delegates. The committee was constituted, a few party members being on it, a party member elected chairman and the previous program again adopted. The strikers meant business, while some, of course, returned to work the committee appeared each day to press its demands and finally the management consented to a conference.

While the company could not be induced to give guarantees against further wage reductions it did agree however that the 9% hour work day would be abolished with the termination of the daylight saving period, that there would be no discrimination against any of the strikers and that the men may maintain their committee.

The strikers voted to accept these terms and went back to work in a body. Of course, workers can never rely upon the promises of a management of unorganized shops as promises are good only when the workers themselves have the power to enforce it.

Nevertheless the fact that the management in a large plant of this character agreed to negotiate with a committee representing the strikers and agreed to some of the terms was a signal victory for these men. More than that, the conduct of this fight went a long way to establish among these 5,000 strikers a real confidence in their united power. And what is of the greatest significance they learned to appreciate the organized systematic activities in behalf of their class interests of the group of Communists. The party gained prestige. These men became interested to learn more of its program. Several made application for membership. Only the complete closing down of the plant a couple of months later prevented a real shop nucleus being established at the time.

Nuclei Do Real Work.

This work was accomplished by twenty-two party members none of whom could speak English very well or had any great experience in conducting a struggle of such magnitude, and shows what can be done by active party members working and functioning as a unit in a shop. It should serve as an encouragement for shop nuclei to concentrate on the very important field of obtaining leadership of the many strikes in the unorganized industries and direct the struggles of these workers against the exploitation of capitalism.

The Daily Worker began in 1924 and was published in New York City by the Communist Party US and its predecessor organizations. Among the most long-lasting and important left publications in US history, it had a circulation of 35,000 at its peak. The Daily Worker came from The Ohio Socialist, published by the Left Wing-dominated Socialist Party of Ohio in Cleveland from 1917 to November 1919, when it became became The Toiler, paper of the Communist Labor Party. In December 1921 the above-ground Workers Party of America merged the Toiler with the paper Workers Council to found The Worker, which became The Daily Worker beginning January 13, 1924.