One of the central documents to come out of what must be the least discussed of the Comintern’s seven international congresses. Held in the summer of 1924, the Fifth Congress gathered in the aftermath of the defeats, particularly in Germany, of the previous fall. It was the first congress to be held after the death of Lenin and along with the discussion of tactics–primarily concerned with the state of the international class struggle, interpreting the united front, and advising national orientations–was mainly focused on dealing with those recent defeats, along with the reorganization of the International and its sections, mediating many internal factional struggles.

‘Theses on Tactics’ from Communist International. Vol. 2 No. 7. December, 1924.

I. THE INTERNATIONAL SITUATION.

1. The “Democratic-Pacifist” Period.

The chief thing that strikes the eye when reviewing the present international political situation is the beginning of the democratic-pacifist period. That such a zig-zag should take place in bourgeois policy, was foretold by the Fourth World Congress of the Communist International, which met at the moment when the world bourgeois reaction had reached its culminating point.

The changes observed in the policy of the world bourgeoisie, are marked by the following features.

In Great Britain, a so-called Labour Government, headed by leaders of the Second International, is in power.

In France, the so-called Left Bloc was victorious at the elections, and the French “Socialist” Party, one of the leading parties in the Second International, is, in fact, a component part of the present French Government.

In Germany, we see, in connection with the propaganda for the Experts’ Report, a tendency to strengthen the democratic-pacifist illusions and the Social-Democrats who are the spokesmen of this policy. At the same time a contrary move is noticeable. The ruling class, with the help of the S.D.P., is pursuing a more determined and brutal policy of exploitation than hitherto employed in suppressing the Revolution, with the purpose of carrying out the duties of the Experts’ Report. The German Social-Democrats will continue to remain in one form or another one of the ruling parties of the German bourgeoisie in exercising the bourgeois dictatorship against the proletariat.

In America, the victory of that wing of imperialism which is condescending to intervene in European affairs and prepared to lend its support to the Experts’ Report. The growing movement in favour of the formation of a “Third” (petty-bourgeoisie) party also indicates some change to aid a “democratic-pacifist” period in American politics.

In Japan, the “democratic” bourgeoisie are coming into power and preparing to replace the feudal party at the helm of government. The recent change of government in Japan is also interpreted as a triumph of “democracy” and pacifism.

In Denmark, a so-called Labour Government is in power, headed by one of the most prominent representatives of the Second International. In Belgium the forthcoming elections may bring into power the leaders of the Belgian “Labour Party,” who, in fact, are already ministers with portfolios. In Austria, the Social-Democrats obtained a great victory at the elections and are in fact one of the bulwarks of the bourgeois regime. In Czecho-Slovakia, in Poland, and partially in the Balkan countries, we find a reflection of the change which is taking place in Britain, Prance, etc.

2. The True Meaning of the Transitional Phase of International Policy.

As a matter of fact, what is now taking place, is far from representing the beginning of the stabilisation of the capitalist “order” on the basis of “democracy” and peace. This is preparing for a fresh betrayal of the people.

The “democratic-pacifist” era has not and cannot lead to a reduction of armaments; on the contrary, the increase of armaments is continuing at a furious pace. The intrigues of secret diplomacy are flourishing as never before. The “democrats” of each country are preparing more or less openly for irreconcilable imperialist conflicts with their “fraternal” democracies.

The fundamental conflict between the Japanese and American imperialism has by no means been liquidated. The moving force of the conflict, which must inevitably lead to a fresh outbreak of imperialist war, is continuing to function automatically.

The conflict of interests between the imperialist cliques of England and France is not avoided by the victory of “democracy” in one or the other country. Only the form is changed, not the essence.

The plunder of the colonies and the semi-colonial countries remains without question the pre-requisite for “progress” and “civilisation.”

3. The Experts’ Report.

The Experts’ Report is the bible of contemporary “pacifism” and “democracy.” As a matter of fact, this document is directed towards the spoliation of the workers of Germany, and is an attempt on the part of the imperialists and the states which yesterday were still hostile toward each other, to arrange their differences at the expense of the workers of the other countries.

The occupation of the Ruhr did not lead to the results desired by the French imperialists. The attempt at more open plundering failed. The only way of “solving” the reparations problem, is a more protracted plundering, covered by democratic pacifist phrases.

This is the course being adopted at present by the Entente imperialists supported by the more interested sections of the German bourgeoisie and the German Social-Democrats who serve it.

The Experts’ Report with which all the international counter-revolutionary Social-Democrats have associated themselves, is in fact, the most shameful document of the present day. It is a blow not only on the cheek of the workers of Germany, but of the workers of a number of other countries. The support given to the Experts’ Report by the Social-Democrats is just as much a betrayal of the workers as the support given to the imperialist war, since the Experts’ Report is a continuation of the war by other means.

The Experts’ Report, even if it is begun to be put into force, will by no means put an end to the conflict of interests between the various groups of world imperialism. The more it is attempted to reconcile these interests on paper, with all the greater force will they shortly burst forth again.

4. International Situation of the U.S.S.R

The only country which is consistently conducting a policy of peace is the U.S.S.R., the first country where the Proletarian Revolution has triumphed and, surrounded by bourgeois enemies on all sides, is firmly and heroically conducting a policy of real peace. Recently the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics has succeeded in consolidating its international position to a large extent. The increased well-being within the country, the support received from all that is honest and conscientious among the international working class, and the bold policy of the Soviet Government, have resulted in the de jure recognition of the U.S.S.R. by certain of the larger states of the world.

However, it is by no means impossible that even this “democratic-pacifist” era may be marked by new difficulties for the first proletarian state. There can be no doubt that the renegade sections of the “democrats” are working to create an international united front against the U.S.S.R., in order to force the victorious proletarian revolution to its knees and compel it to pay old debts in a manner analogous with the decisions of the experts, or by some other way.

It should not be forgotten that the “democratic-pacifist” period is one of the last phases of capitalism. The more difficult and contradictory becomes the position of the international bourgeoisie, the more probable will a direct military adventure against the U.S.S.R. become. The participation of the Social-Democrats in the present “democratic” governments) only increases the danger of such military adventure. The counter-revolutionary leaders of the Social-Democrats in their boundless hatred of the Soviet power, will be more ready to embark on the military adventure than certain confessed bourgeois.

The working class of the whole world must be prepared against the international reaction now working under the sign of “democratic” pacifism succeeding in creating such a united front against the U.S.S.R. The workers of the world will obstinately tight against such a policy of the ruling classes and will exert every effort to break this chain before it is fastened.

5. The International Policy of the Social Democrats.

The counter-revolutionary international Social-Democrats who were obliged in August, 1914, to cast aside the mask and openly support the bourgeoisies of “their” countries, are now continuing the same foreign policy, but in a more concealed form. In every country where the Social-Democrats represent any considerable force, they are, as formerly, supporting their “own” imperialists masking this treacherous policy by phrases concerning democracy and pacifism. There is not the least doubt that these very leaders of the Social-Democrats are now the most enthusiastic advocates of the policy (a) of the Experts’ Report and (b) of preparing for the fresh isolation of the U.S.S.R., and even of a direct attack of international capitalism against the first Proletarian Revolution in the world. At the same time, in order to overcome the watchfulness of the masses, the leaders of the counter-revolutionary Social-Democrats at their congresses utter lying phrases regarding the fight against war by means of a general strike.

A division of labour has been effected between the poli- tical leaders of the bourgeoisie and the leaders of the counter-revolutionary Social-Democrats. The former create the illusion of a “democratic-pacifist” period, the latter exert every effort in order to increase the “democratic-pacifist” illusion among the masses.

Il. PROBLEM OF POWER.

1. The Decay of the Bourgeois Order.

The bourgeois order has preserved its existence for a period in spite of the fact that the world imperialist war towards its end called forth a tremendous outburst of elemental discontent among the masses. The forces of the international proletariat proved to be insufficiently organised; the parties of the international proletarian revolution proved to be not strong enough, and as a result the victory of the proletarian revolution at the end of imperialist war proved impossible. But the first world imperialist war nevertheless produced a profound upheaval. The consequences of the war will be felt for many years to come: its social and political consequences have still not fully revealed themselves.

The imperialist peace treaties and the occupation of the Ruhr were only a continuation of the war with other weapons; they were not a means of healing the wounds caused by the war. The consequences of the war have not been overcome, nor can they ever be by capitalist methods.

In any case, as a result of the first imperialist world war the capitalist system was torn and shaken both economically and politically. The symptoms of the instability of capitalism still sometimes reveal themselves much more clearly in the political field than in the economic. The rapid and continuous changes of governments in a number of countries is one of these symptoms. In many countries the problem of power is more acute than it ever was before the imperialist war.

2. The Two Lines of Policy of the World Bourgeoisie.

During the last few years since the imperialist war and partly prior to the war, two lines of policy of the world bourgeoisie have defined themselves: an openly reactionary policy and a democratic reformist policy. The best embodiment of the first policy was Poincaré, and of the second, Lloyd George.

During the period of the ripening of the revolutionary crises, the appearance of these two lines of policy among the leaders of the world bourgeoisie was not accidental. When the earth begins to tremble under one’s feet, when the “normal” times of the stable domination of the bourgeoisie are passing, when revolutionary events are moving on, and the power of the proletarian revolution is growing, two systems of policy are bound to appear among the leaders of the ruling class, one endeavouring to break up and crush the revolutionary forces, before they grow strong, by an open and brutal attack upon them, and the other, a more far-sighted policy endeavouring, by means of small concessions, by buying the leaders of the working class, in a word, by the methods of “democracy,” pacifism and reformism to alter the relation of forces in favour of the bourgeoisie.

3. International Social Democracy and Fascism.

The bourgeoisie can no longer rule by the old methods. This is one of the slow but sure symptoms of the growth of the proletarian revolution. The bourgeoisie resorts to the services now of Fascism, now of social democracy. In either case the bourgeoisie strives to mask the capitalist character of its domination and to lend it more or less “popular” features. Both the Fascists (the first period of the power of Mussolini) and the Social Democrats (the first period of the power of Noske) when it is necessary, will serve the bourgeoisie as open fighting organisations, as armed bands, crushing the rising proletarian army of revolution.

And then with the help of Fascism and the Social- Democrats the bourgeoisie strives to secure a regrouping of social forces by creating the appearance of the political victory of the petty bourgeoisie and the participation of the “people” in the exercise of power.

4. The Social Democrats as the “Third” Party of the Bourgeoisie.

There has been a great deal of confusion in America over the question of the formation of a “third” party of the bourgeoisie (petty bourgeoisie). In Europe the Social-Democratic parties have already become in a certain sense the “third” party of the bourgeoisie. This is especially striking in England, where in addition to the two classic bourgeois parties, which former peacefully relieved each other in the government, the so-called “Labour Party” has now become the governing factor, in actuality carrying on a policy very similar to that of a wing of the bourgeoisie. There is no doubt that the social-traitor leaders of the English Labour Party will for a number of years to come, in one combination or another, participate in this government of the English bourgeoisie.

It is also entirely clear that both in France and in England, and in a number of other countries, the leaders of the Second International are playing the role of eligible bourgeois ministers, appearing in fact, as the leaders of one of the groups of the “democratic” bourgeoisie.

The Social Democrats from the right wing of the labour movement are in a process of transition and more and more becoming converted into the left-wing of the bourgeoisie, and in places, into a wing of Fascism. This is the reason that it is historically incorrect to speak of the “victory of Fascism over Social-Democracy.” Fascism and Social-Democracy (in so far as their leaders are concerned) are the right and left hands of modern capitalism, which has been somewhat weakened by the first imperialist war, and in the first battles of the workers against capitalism.

5. The Social Democrats again in Power.

During and directly after the war, leaders of the Second International come into power in a number of countries. The drawing of the Social-Democrats into participation in the government during the war may be attributed to the practical necessity of the imperialists to oppose the leaders of the workers of “their” country to the labour movement of other countries.

At the present time the bourgeoisie in a number of countries is drawing the Social-Democrats a second time into the government. This is occurring in a “normal” period, when there is no war. It is precisely for this reason that this particular phenomenon demonstrates the instability of bourgeois dominion, and is proof of the fact that the present “normalcy” actually represents an extremely abnormal situation for the bourgeoisie, and is pregnant with severe crises for the bourgeoisie.

6. Between the White Terror and the “Labour Government.”

Notwithstanding the apparent consolidation of the bourgeois regime, its power is waning more and more in actual fact. The situation is extremely unstable. Parliamentarism has outlived its time. It has become harder and harder for the bourgeoisie to establish any kind of a firm structure on the ruins of parliamentarism. The recent election results in France and Germany brought out this fact clearly. In the bourgeois parliaments of the two main countries of Europe, in Paris and Berlin, there is no secure majority. The bourgeoisie will inevitably jump from side to side, having recourse now to white terror, and now to the so-called labour government.

It is not improbable that in the next few years we shall see labour governments put in power not in one or two, but in a large number of countries. These labour governments are the product of the struggle of the revolutionary proletariat for power, and vacillations in the ranks of the bourgeoisie, which are inevitable at the present period. Objectively these so-called Labour governments may appear a step forward in the sense that they demonstrate the progressive stages of the break up of the bourgeois structure, and the unsoundness of the policy of the ruling classes. In this sense even the present counter-revolutionary (Liberal, as a matter of fact) government of MacDonald represents, objectively speaking, a historical progress.

But the task of the real supporters of the proletarian re- volution, must consist not in extolling such a “Labour” government, but in preparing the proletarian army for an unremitting revolutionary struggle, and with this army to try to leap quickly over the phase of the so-called Labour government to the victory of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

7. The Objective Meaning and the Probable Prospects of the Democratic-Pacifist Era.

The objective meaning of the present unique democratic-pacifist period is that the bourgeoisie can no longer rule according to its old methods. This period reflects the instability of the capitalist structure, its decline, which is beginning to develop in a descending curve.

The present democratic pacifist governments, like governments of an analogical type which may still be formed, not only are incapable of carrying on a really democratic and peaceful policy, but on the contrary, will themselves become Fascist very quickly. The class struggle will by no means be stifled, but will burn all the more brightly in the bounds of these “democratic” and “pacifist” states. The change of regimes (Democracy-Fascism-Democracy) will all the more certainly undermine the foundations of tottering capitalism. From each such change the masses of the people and especially the proletarian masses, will emerge all the richer in political experience, and seasoned with a greater readiness for the struggle, while the bourgeoisie and its servants, the Social-Democratic leaders, will emerge with weakened forces, demoralised, and with no confidence left in themselves or in their policy.

And thus the forces of the proletarian revolution will grow–until its decisive victory.

Il. THE PROBLEM OF FORMING MASS COMMUNIST PARTIES AS THE MAIN TASK OF THE WORK OF THE COMINTERN.

1. Capitalist Crisis and the Subjective Factor.

The principal reason why the world bourgeoisie was not defeated at the end of the imperialist world-war was that the most important countries had no Communist Parties capable of organising revolution, or leading into the fight the masses which were rising against those who had caused the war. It is owing to this fact that capitalism was given a respite.

In a situation when capitalism can no longer exist without the support of Social Democracy, when the capitalist crisis became hopeless although prolonged, “the subjective factor, namely the stage of the organisation of the proletarian ranks and of their Communist vanguards (parties) becomes the most important question of the entire historical epoch.”

2. The Slogan “To the Masses.”

The slogan “To the Masses” brought forward by the Third World Congress of the Comintern, remains in force. The successes achieved by the Comintern in the past are only initial successes. The various sections have as yet no definite successes to record. And if we do not go forward in the matter of capturing the masses, it can easily happen that we retrogress.

3. Capture of the Majority.

The formula of the Third and Fourth Congresses on the capture of the majority are:

“To obtain Communist influence within the majority of the working class, and to bring the most effective sections of this class into the struggle.”

It is more probable to-day than at the time of the Third Congress that the greatest crisis can arise as a result of a big strike arising in the Colonies, a new war or even a parliamentary crisis. But just because of this, the “subjective” factor gains in importance; that is to say, the degree of self-consciousness, of the will to fight and of the organisation of the workers under their advance guard.

To win over the majority of the workers in America and Europe still remains the cardinal task of the Comintern.

In the Colonial and semi-colonial countries the tasks of the Comintern are of two-fold nature: (1) to create the kernel of a Communist Party which represents the interests of the proletariat as a whole, and (2) to support with all means at its disposal, the nationalist-revolutionary movement which is fighting imperialism. It should become the leader in this movement and from within this nationalist tendency bring into prominence and advance social tendencies.

The Fifth World Congress of the Comintern endorses the formula of the Third and Fourth Congresses. It declares erroneous the tendencies of the right which demands a preliminary capture of a statistical majority of the toiling masses and imagines that there cannot be a question of revolutionary actions until Communists have captured 99 percent of all the workers, The Fifth Congress of the Comintern further declares that the mistakes of the “ultra- left” are as reprehensible as the mistakes of the right. For the left which has not yet grasped the full meaning of the historical slogan “To the masses,” has sometimes the notion that Communist Parties can be Parties of a proletarian terrorist minority, and imagines that Communist Parties, which have not become mass parties, can lead the masses into the fight at any time.

IV. FUNDAMENTAL PRE-REQUISITES OF THE FORMATION OF COMMUNIST MASS PARTIES.

The pre-requisites are:

1. Organisational Construction of the Party on the Basis of Factory and Workshop Party Nuclei.

A considerable number of European Communist Parties is still faithful to the old Social-Democratic principles of organisational Party construction. This is a relic of the times when the Party was considered as an auxiliary electoral machine. There cannot be a question of forming a bona fide Communist mass Party, if this Party is not based on its Party nuclei in the industrial enterprises (this applies also to the youth and women’s organisations, etc.).

This is not an organisational, but a political question. No Communist Party will be able to lead into action the most important sections of the proletariat and to conquer the bourgeoisie, until it has established a firm basis in the factories and workshops, and until every big enterprise has become a stronghold of the Communist Party.

2. Correct Communist Work within Trade Unions.

The formation of Communist fractions within trade unions (legally, if possible, and illegally, if it cannot be done otherwise) by deeds and not by words, systematic and stubborn fight for the capture of trade unions—a fight whose answer to the provocation of Social-Democratic leaders to split and leave the trade unions is increased activity for trade union unity within them. This is one of the most important prerequisites of the formation of bona fide Communist mass parties.

3. Linking up Factory and Workshop Committees.

The factory and workshop committees’ movement is a new form for the organisation of the proletariat. It will give rise to new truly revolutionary trade unions, and under favourable conditions will form the nucleus for the formation of Soviets of workers’ deputies. A Communist Party which has not yet succeeded in initiating a bona fide factory and workshop committees’ movement in its country and in gaining influence in the already existing factory and workshop committees, cannot be considered as a bona fide Communist mass Party.

A correct solution of the tasks indicated in these points is the basic and elementary pre-requisite of the formation of Communist mass Parties. Without a correct solution of these points, one cannot talk seriously about the other questions of Communist policy.

4. Correct Policy of the Party with Relation to the Peasantry.

Not only in agrarian and semi-agrarian countries, but even in typically industrial States, the crisis which followed the first imperialist war made considerable sections of the peasantry more receptive for the revolutionary ideas of the Communists than prior to the war. The proletariat cannot be victorious and cannot establish a Soviet social order, unless it carries on for years a policy of neutralisation of some sections of the peasantry, and of complete capture of the other sections. Communist Parties wishing to become revolutionary mass parties cannot rest content with theses on the peasant question, but must be able to establish a link between the proletarian vanguard and the most developed section of the peasantry.

This link (it has an enormous importance in connection with the armies which are mainly recruited among the peasantry) can be best formed through the workers. It is essential to make it a rule that revolutionary factory and workshop workers among whom Communists have influence, send big delegations to the villages and collect the necessary means for it, etc. Lack of attention to the peasant question is a relic of Social-Democracy in our ranks. Communist Parties, which fail to carry on revolutionary work among the peasantry, cannot be considered as Communist mass Parties intent on the conquest of power. Of course, our Parties must remain Marxist Workers’ Parties, and not workers’ and peasants’ parties.

5. Correct Policy on the National Question.

As a result of the re-distribution of the world after the first imperialist war, in a number of countries oppression of nationalities increased and irredentism came into being. Ina number of European countries, and especially in colonies and semi-colonies there is a great accumulation in inflammable material capable of exploding bourgeois domination. A correct Communist policy in the national question, as laid down in the theses of the Second World Congress, is one of the most important component parts of the policy of the capture of the masses and of preparation of a victorious revolution. Nihilism in the national questions, which is still a characteristic of some Communist Parties, is the weakest point of these parties which will never be able to do justice to their historic task, if they persist in this error.

V. BETWEEN TWO WAVES OF THE PROLETARIAN REVOLUTION.

In the course of the last 12 months there were signs of a new revolutionary wave. The beginning of revolutionary actions in Germany, the risings in Bulgaria and Poland and the big economic strikes in a number of countries go to prove that new revolutionary events are brewing.

It is generally the case that the period between two revolutions, or between two waves of revolutionary enthusiasm are pregnant with opportunistic deviations to the right, and with “ultra-left” deviations in the direction of passivity under the cloak of radical phraseology.

VI. MERCILESS SUPPRESSION OF ALL OPPORTUNIST RIGHT WING TENDENCIES.

The period between the Fourth and Fifth congresses of the Communist International has shown that the opportunist tendencies in the Communist movement are stronger than could have been expected. A number of the sections of the Comintern had grown out of the very heart of the Second International and had brought with them unsuppressed remnants of Social-Democratic traditions. Right deviations can acquire a dangerous character, as our Communist parties become mass organisations.

It became quite clear at the Fifth Congress that the representatives of right tendencies in the Labour movements of some of the more important countries had attempted to completely distort the tactics of the united front and the workers’ and peasants’ government into a close political alliance and organical coalition “of all the workers’ parties,” or, in other words, a political union of the Communist and Social-Democratic Parties. While the Communist International understood the tactics of the united front to have as its chief aim, the fight against the counter-revolutionary leaders of the Social-Democratic Party and to free the Social-Democratic workers from the influence of these traitors of the working class, the representatives of the right deviations tried to interpret them to mean a political union with the Social-Democrats.

The Fifth Congress of the Communist International resolutely condemns this petty-bourgeois tendency; it categorically repudiates any distortion of the tactics of the united front which has appeared in some of the sections of the Communist International and states that it will fight mercilessly against this policy, which radically contradicts and rejects the decisions of the Comintern.

VII. EXPLANATION OF “ULTRA-LEFT” TENDENCIES

Bolshevism took form as a movement of the revolutionary proletariat of Russia, not only in the fight against Menshevism and Centrism, but also against “ultra-left” tendencies. As an international Bolshevik organisation, the Comintern has carried on a merciless struggle against right opportunism and “ultra-left” deviations that are often merely the reverse side of opportunism.

During the period from the Fourth to the Fifth Congresses these “ultra-left” tendencies were very dangerous in the question of action in reactionary trade unions. The movement that Communists should leave the trade unions is very dangerous for Communism. If the Communist International does not again and again repel these tendencies that play into the hands of the counter-revolutionary Social-Democratic leaders, who wish to rid themselves of Communists in the trade unions, then we shall never create really Bolshevik parties.

“Ultra-left” tendencies have found expression also in the repudiation of tactical manceuvres, as a matter of “principle.” Often they signify that their followers do not understand the meaning of the tactics of the united front, that they do not desire to realise them in practice or they attempt to apply the tactics of the united front only to the economic and not the political field. Manceuvring, of course, does not mean absence of principle.

In its merciless fight against opportunist tendencies the Communist International must explain systematically the falsity and danger of these “ultra-left” tendencies as being antagonistic to the idea of creating mass Communist Parties capable of manceuvring.

VIIl. THE TACTICS OF THE UNITED FRONT.

Despite great opportunistic errors and distortions of the tactics of the united front on the part of the right, distortions that nearly caused the degeneration of some Communist parties, despite all this, the application of these tactics on the whole has brought undoubted benefit and helped us to advance along the road to the conversion of several of our Comintern sections into mass parties.

At a time when the Communist Parties in a number of important countries are still in the minority, when the Social-Democrats, as a result of certain historical circumstances, still lead a considerable mass of the proletariat, when the capitalist offensive is still continuing in one form of another, when the working class has not mobilised its forces sufficiently even to organise serious defensive fights, the tactics of the united front was and is correct and essential.

The experiences of the application of the united front, to which the Communist International has often referred, remain; it has been shown that a mere formula is not enough, that the parties of the Comintern in the present period very often do not know how to apply the tactics of the united front to themselves, with the result that these tactics run the danger of being transformed from a revolutionary Bolshevik method to opportunist tactics and the source of revisionism.

The tactics of the united front is only a method for agitation and the revolutionary mobilisation of the proletariat for considerable periods. All attempts to interpret these tactics as a political coalition with counter revolutionary Social-Democratic parties, are opportunism and are repudiated oy the Communist International.

The revolutionary united front tactics can be correctly applied only when each section, fully conscious of the dangers of those tactics and without adopting mechanical formula, sets itself the concrete tasks of winning the masses in the fight for definite daily aims and daily demands, organising them, gathering them round itself, always keeping the revolution in view, and with the aim of leading the decisive sections of the proletariat in the fights and thereby facilitating the passing over to the attack against the bourgeoisie.

1. It is necessary to apply the tactics of the united front from below at all times and places with the exception, perhaps, of those rare moments of decisive armed fighting, when the revolutionary worker Communists have to conduct an armed fight against those groups of workers who, because of their ignorance, fight against us. But even in these exceptional cases, it is necessary to realise unity from below with those workmen who for the time being, still do not follow the lead of the Communists. The experiences of the Russian revolution and the revolutionary warfare in Germany have shown that this is possible.

2. Unity from below in the rank and file and at the same time negotiations with the leaders—this is the method that will have to be applied very often in those countries where the Social-Democrats are still strong. The negotiations between the leaders must not bind the Communist independence of the party. The fundamental part of the tactics of the united front in these countries must be unity from below. All forms of negotiations (such as open letters, etc.), with the official organs of the Social-Democrats must not become stereotyped. The most important thing is to prepare the minds of the workers including the Social-Democratic workers and incline them towards a general action to fight, and only then turn to the official organs of the Social-Democrats, so as to confront them with the fact that certain definite sentiments are present in the minds of the working class, and if they refuse to support the struggle, to disclose the treacherous character of the Social-Democratic leaders.

Naturally, the Communist parties must strictly retain their independence and Communist identity right through the negotiations. In order to do this all negotiations must be carried on openly and the Communists must do all in their power to pin the workers’ attention to these negotiations.

3. United front tactics from above alone is a method that the Communist International categorically and resolutely repudiates. The application of the tactics of the united front from below has the greatest importance. It is unity that is realised under the leadership of the Communist Party between Communist workers and Social-Democratic and non-party workers in factories, mills, factory committees, trade unions on a small or large scale, in whole professions, in the whole country, etc.

Naturally, the application of the tactics of the united front may and must take different forms according to the concrete conditions prevailing in each given country during each definite period. If these tactics are applied wholesale and according to a stereotyped formula, they will lose all their significance and will even have the opposite effect.

In concretely defining the tactical methods, all the circumstances of the given country, its structure, the condition of the section, must be taken into consideration; stress must be laid upon the mobilisation of the masses from below, the creation of fighting organs, and contact with the important sections of the toiling masses (proletariat, peasants and agricultural proletariat), which are to be drawn into the struggles.

The tactics of the united front were and remain a revolutionary and not a peaceful-evolutionary method. The tactics of the united front were and remain the tactics of revolutionary, strategical manceuvring of the Communist vanguard surrounded by enemies, in its fight with the treacherous leaders of the counter-revolutionary Social-Democrats, and is not by any means an alliance with these leaders. The tactics of the united front were and remain the tactics of attracting the workers in the Social-Democratic parties and the better part of the non-party workmen to our side and are not the tactics of lowering our aims to a level comprehensible to the latter.

XI. WORKERS’ AND PEASANTS’ GOVERNMENT.

The slogan of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Government was understood and is now understood by the Comintern as a conclusion drawn from the tactics of the united front as outlined above. In the period just expired, the opportunist elements in the Comintern has endeavoured to distort the watchword of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Government by interpreting it as a government “within the framework of bourgeois democracy,” as a political alliance with Social-Democracy.

The Fifth World Congress of the Comintern categorically rejects such an interpretation. The watchword of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Government for the Comintern is the translation into the language of revolution, into the language of the masses, of the watchword of “dictatorship of the proletariat.” The formula Workers’ and Peasants’ Government has never been and can be nothing else than a method of agitation and mobilising the masses for the revolutionary overthrow of the bourgeoisie and the establishment of a soviet system. In order to create a real Labour or Workers’ and Peasants’ Government, it is necessary first of all to overthrow the bourgeoisie which to-day holds power everywhere except in the U.S.S.R. To overthrow the bourgeoisie and render it harmless, to suppress its resistance and create the real conditions precedent for a genuine Workers’ and Peasants’ Government, is possible only by means of the armed revolt of the proletariat, which leads the better part of the peasantry—by the victory of the toilers in the civil war.

The watchword of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Government was and is the formula most easily understood by the masses of the toilers.

At the present time, when the leaders of the Social- Democracy are more and more engaged in governmental combinations with the bourgeoisie and the broad masses of the workers which still follow the Social-Democracy are sinking deeper into poverty, a situation is created which in many instances is particularly favourable for carrying out our tactics of the united front and the workers’ and peasants’ government.

If at the very period when official Social-Democracy is becoming the “Third” government party of the bourgeoisie and the leaders of the Social-Democracy are more and more becoming absorbed in governmental combinations with the bourgeoisie, we Communists by ably conducting the tactics of the united front will win over to our side considerable sections of the rank and file Social-Democrats in the economic and subsequently in the political fight, we will by that have created the most favourable conditions for liquidating the influence of the counter-revolutionary Social-Democracy and bring over to the side of Communism considerable sections of the toilers.

The watchword of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Government under no circumstances must be understood by Communists to mean parliamentary understandings and combinations with Social-Democracy. On the contrary, parliamentary activity of the Communists also must be directed towards exposing the counter-revolutionary role of Social-Democracy and towards explaining to the widest sections of the toilers the false treacherous character of the so-called “Labour governments” set up by the bourgeoisie which, in fact, are but Liberal bourgeois governments.

X. PARTIAL DEMANDS.

The tactics of the Communist International not only do not exclude, but on the contrary pre-suppose the inclusion of partial demands in our agitation and policy. In this, however, it is necessary to have the following three circumstances in view.

(a) The partial demands we put forward must have practical bearing on life, i.e., they must be such as will be supported by the wide masses of the toilers.

(b) These demands must proceed along the line of revolutionary development.

(c) These demands must always be connected up with the ultimate aim; from the particular we must proceed to the general; from partial demands to the whole system of demands, the sum of which gives the social revolution.

While the reformists put forward partial demands as a substitute for Proletarian Revolution, Communists put forward partial demands as a means towards the more successful preparation for Proletarian Revolution. All the agitation put up by Communists for partial demands, closely links up each of these demands with the programme of the revolutionary overthrow, particularly in those countries where the crisis in the bourgeois system has arisen.

XI. DEMOCRATIC PACIFIST ILLUSIONS.

In this present international situation, the temporary rise of democratic-pacifist illusions among certain sections of the toilers in inevitable. The leaders of Social-Democracy are doing all they can to revive these illusions.

To combat these illusions, which to the Communist ts one of the most important tasks of the day, by no means excludes the application of the tactics of the united front (the attraction of wide sections of the Social-Democratic workers to the economic struggle jointly with the Communists and the advancement of elementary political demands, which, however, cannot be carried out by the present democratic and “Labour governments”), may serve as the best means of overcoming democratic pacifist illusions.

The application of the tactics of the united front will proceed successfully only on one condition, viz., that democratic pacifist illusions do not penetrate into our own ranks, and that the Communists will see the dangers connected with the application of the tactics of the united front and the watchword of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Government, which the Comintern has already frequently pointed out.

XII. THE WEST AND THE EAST.

The Communist International is the organisation of the world revolution. Nevertheless, owing to a number of circumstances, the attention of the Comintern has been too much concentrated on the West. It is necessary to devote far more attention than hitherto to work in the East in the broadest sense of the word. During the period just expired, in India, in Japan, in China and Turkey for the first time nuclei of the Communist movement have been formed. In all these countries, an extensive economic struggle of the workers is commencing. The Comintern must devote greater attention to this movement, and at the same time give every support to the movement of all oppressed nationalities directed against imperialism, in the spirit of the resolutions of the Second World Congress, bearing in mind that this movement is one of the most important parts comprising the great movement for emancipation which alone can lead to the victory of the revolution, not only on a European, but on a world scale.

XIII. TWO PERSPECTIVES.

The epoch of international revolution has commenced. The rate of its developments as a whole or partially, the rate of development of revolutionary events in any particular continent or in any particular country, cannot be foretold with precision. The whole situation is such that two perspectives are open: (a) a possible slow and prolonged development of the proletarian revolution, and (b) on the other hand, that the ground under capitalism has been mined to such an extent and that the contradictions of capitalism as a whole have developed so rapidly, that the solution in one country or another may come in the not distant future.

The Comintern must base its tactics upon the possibility of both perspectives. The manceuvres of the Comintern must be so arranged as to be able rapidly to adapt oneself to the changing rate of development, and in any case even with a prolonged rate of development of events, to remain the irreconcilable mass Communist Party of proletarian revolution which attracts the masses and trains them for the revolutionary struggle.

XIV. THE BOLSHEVISATION OF THE PARTY AND THE FORMATION OF A SINGLE WORLD COMMUNIST PARTY.

The most important task in the present period of activity of the Comintern is to Bolshevise the sections of the Comintern. Under no circumstances must this watchword be understood as the mechanical application of the experience of the Bolshevik Party in Russia to all the other parties. The special features of a really Bolshevik party are as follows:

(a) The Party must be really a mass party. Whether being a legal party, or if obliged to become illegal, it must maintain the closest and unseverable ties with the mass of the workers and serve as the expression of their needs and aspirations.

(b) It must have the ability to manceuvre, i.e., its tactics must not be dogmatic or sectarian; it must be able to resort to every strategical manceuvre against the enemy, which will enable it to remain true to itself. It is one of the chief errors of our parties that they frequently fail to understand this.

(c) It must essentially be a revolutionary and Marxist party, undeviatingly and in spite of all circumstances proceeding towards the goal and making every effort to bring nearer the hour of victory of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie.

(d) It must be a centralised party, prohibiting factions, tendencies and groups. It must be a monolithic party hewn of one piece.

(c) It must carry out a regular definite propaganda in the bourgeois army.

Bolshevising the Party means the application to our sections what in Russian Bolshevism was and is international and of general application.

Only to the extent that the sections of the Comintern be- come really converted into Bolshevik Parties, will the Com- intern indeed become a World Bolshevik Party imbued with the ideas of Leninism.

XV. THE CONCRETE TASKS OF THE IMPORTANT SECTIONS OF THE COMINTERN.

The tasks of these sections are as follows:

Great Britain.

In view of the present world situation, Great Britain and its possessions play the principal role, generally speaking, in all international questions; hence the Communist Party of Great Britain gains tremendously in importance. To train the Communist Party of Great Britain to fulfil its duties, is one of the most important tasks of the Communist International. In its attitude toward the Labour Government, the Communist Party of Great Britain has displayed certain ideological and tactical deviations. In the immediate future, the Communist Party of Great Britain must concentrate its strength on the following tasks:

(a) To support and encourage the left wing of the Labour Party to such an extent that it will develop into a real revolutionary wing within the Labour Party; to carry on intensive work within the minority movements of the trade unions.

(b) To oppose clearly and unambiguously the so-called “Labour Government” of MacDonald amongst the masses, by exposing its bourgeois-anti-Labour character.

(c) To lead the economic struggles in such a way, that the main strength is concentrated on the creation of organs of the united front from below (strike committees, factory councils), and to point out to the working masses the political significance of these economic struggles.

(d) To carry out an active campaign for the creation of Committees of Action in the factories and trade unions, in order to exercise pressure on the so-called “Labour Government,” to compel them to carry out that part of the programme of the so-called “Labour Government,” which the latter has ignored, namely, the nationalisation of the railways and mines, increase in the unemployment benefits, construction of workers’ houses, etc. Only if the Communist Party of Great Britain, on the basis of daily needs of the working class, exposes the treachery of the Labour Government, and if it tries to lead the broad working masses into the fight on behalf of these aims, can it destroy the illusions of the working masses about the so-called Labour Government.

(e) To lay special emphasis on the relations with the colonies, on the support of the national-revolutionary movement of the colonial countries, on the question of militarism and naval development, on disarmament, on the relations of Great Britain to Soviet Russia and to imperialist France, and on the Experts’ Report.

(f) To begin a particularly careful campaign for influencing the unemployed.

(g) To direct its special attention to the internal development of the Party, to gaining new members from among the ranks of the workers, to the formation of factory nuclei, and further, the Communist Party of Great Britain should devote its attention to the Communist education of the members, to spread knowledge of the international Labour movement.

France.

The congress marks with pleasure the considerable successes achieved by the Communist Party in France, which expelled from its ranks all the doubted elements and has become a real proletarian party. At the same time, however, the congress urges upon the fraternal French Party the immediate necessity for carrying out the following tasks:

(a) To set up a real party apparatus without which the existence of a proletarian party is impossible.

(b) To conduct serious party work in the industrial centres of the country apart from Paris—in the large industrial centres in which, as the recent elections have shown, the Socialists still have considerable influence. Paris undoubtedly is of great importance to the country, but there can be no thought of a victory of the proletarian revolution, if the other important industrial centres are not won over.

(c) To conduct serious work among the broad masses of the peasantry.

(d) To conduct in the proper form the tactics of the united front. The French Socialist leaders have not dared openly to join the Herriot Government, but in fact represent a component part of that government. This demands a change in the methods of our agitation in the country, while it remains within the bounds of the tactics of the united front.

(e) The Party must direct serious attention to the formation of party nuclei in the workshops and factories. Unless this is done, a mass Communist party is impossible.

(f) Work of recruiting new members of the Party from among the workers. The department of the Seine must aim to have in the near future not less than 25,000 members. A similar recruiting campaign must be commenced all over the country.

(g) The Party must exert all efforts in order to create a mass shop committees movement in the country.

(h) The Party must abandon the survivals of right wing moods and merge the whole Party organisation under the banner of the Comintern; create a real, workable, sound nucleus in the centre. Whatever friction may exist between the left and the former centre must cease. The whole Party must become a single Comintern Left.

(4) It is necessary to strengthen the international connections of the French Party; particularly must it establish constant connection with the German Communist Party.

Heavy French industry gains increasingly in importance in respect of imperialist intrigues, and internal political conditions. The Communist Party of France must intensify its fight against heavy industry and join with the German Communist Party in the fight against the Experts’ Report.

(j) It is necessary to accelerate the entry into the Party of the mature Communist elements in the United Confederation of Labour which have not yet joined it.

(k) The leaders of the United Confederation of Labour must take up a more definite position in the fight against Anarchism and the vulgar syndicalism of the old school. In this struggle there can be no place for the incorrect theory of the neutrality of the Confederation on radical questions affecting Communism.

(l) It must not be forgotten for a moment, that in spite of the successes obtained by the French Communist Party and the United Confederation of Labour, neither the Party nor revolutionary trade unions have properly won over the masses, nor have considered their influence organisationally and thus have not yet become the genuine vanguard of the French proletariat.

(m) The watchword of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Government remains particularly appropriate to present day France. The agitation for this watchword in the spirit of the decisions of the Fifth Congress of the Comintern, must become the axis of the agitation of the Communist Party of France.

Germany.

The main perspective of the German revolution remains as it was defined by the Executive Committee of the Comintern in the Autumn of 1923. It is not impossible that the victory of “democratic pacifism” in England and France for a time will give a certain amount of strength to the German bourgeoisie and the German Social-Democracy. “Democratic pacifist” illusions will ricochet from France and England to Germany. It is not impossible that the British Government of MacDonald and the French government of Herriot will raise the parliamentary weight of the German Social-Democracy, and for a time even place it in the saddle. All this makes the political situation in Germany more complicated and creates the possibility of a more prolonged development. Nevertheless, the international position of the bourgeoisie and the German Social-Democracy remains hopeless in spite of their readiness thrice to betray the interests of the “fatherland” and bless the findings of the Experts. The internal crisis may rapidly become acute. This is evidenced by the class conflicts that have arisen in recent times.

The persecution of the Communists will undoubtedly become intensified. The Party must be prepared for another period of illegality. It is necessary at all costs to obtain firm leadership of the Party also for the illegal period. The fact that a section of the leaders of the Party is absolutely illegal and is subject to the danger, in the event of arrest, of being sentenced to 10 years hard labour, and the other section, absolutely legal, continues to count on its parliamentary immunity, to a large extent will hamper the work of the Central Committee, and in the event of the period of illegality arriving, will facilitate the task of the government in breaking up the Communist centre. From this certain organisational conclusions must be drawn.

The crisis in the Party in the main has been overcome. However, in order completely to overcome the crisis, and render the rise of fresh dangers impossible, the present Central Committee of the Party must be able:

(a) To resist with an iron hand all tendencies to abandon the Social-Democratic trade unions, to compel every member of the Party conscientiously to carry out the tactics of the Comintern and the Frankfurt Party Congress on the question of trade unions, resolutely and energetically proceed to organise the party on the basis of factory nuclei. This will be of tremendous advantage to the Party, if it has to go underground.

(b) Resolutely and relentlessly to fight the tendencies which attempt to smuggle theoretical revisionism and Menshevist digressions into the party under the mask of radicalism.

(c) Firmly and energetically to carry out the policy on the peasant question.

(d) The same thing on national question.

(c) In parliamentary work to unite the Communist irreconcilabilitv on questions of principle and vigour with businesslike conduct.

(f) To devote considerably greater attention than hitherto to shop committee movement.

The Executive Committee of the Comintern as well as all the fraternal sections must render unlimited support to the present Central Committee of the German Party. If this is done, the Party will easily be able to contend against right wing deviations which have done enormous harm and which in some places may still revive.

Czecho-Slovakia.

The right wing tendencies which in Germany developed to their logical conclusion and for that reason completely revealed their bankruptcy, have existed and exist also in the Czecho-Slovak Party. The reason why these tendencies have not become utterly bankrupt, as they have in Germany is that the tempo of political life in Czecho-Slovakia is not so rapid. The Comintern exists precisely for the purpose of enabling the sections to learn from the mistakes committed by other sections and not to repeat them. In this case, the lesson must be learned by the Czecho-Slovak Party. Composed on the whole of excellent proletarian elements, nevertheless, the Czecho-Slovak Party has not yet managed to become a real Bolshevik Party. It is necessary:

(a) Above all to correct the theoretical policy of the Party.

(b) To recognise the errors in the decisions of the Prague Party Congress and the recent conference at Brinn.

(c) To make the whole Party conscious that it is not enough to win the masses; they must be led into the revolutionary partial struggles; to prepare ideologically and organisationally for the leadership of the final struggle.

(d) To fight the Right tendencies in the carrying out of the tactics of the united front and energetically to advocate and put into effect the resolutions of the Fifth World Congress.

(e) To display greater activity among the peasantry.

(f) To draw up a national program and to strengthen the national policy of the party in the clear spirit of Leninism.

(g) The parliamentary activity of the Party to be carried on in the revolutionary parliamentary sense.

(h) The activity of the Central Committee must be more vigorous, the leadership more persistent, tense and energetic.

(i) To bring the Central Committee fresh forces from the best workers.

(j) To meet the justified demands of the Fifth Congress and especially of the Youth Movement in a comradely spirit and without prejudice.

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